service delivery

service delivery

  • Mokonyane Launches Service Delivery Hotline

    Gauteng Premier, Nomvula Mokonyane, has launched a service delivery hotline in Pimville, Soweto.

    Mokonyane, who described the hotline as an effort to improve communication with residents, stated that, “This platform will enable residents to escalate matters easily.”

    She assured residents that agencies, who will operate the hotline from 07h00 to 22h00 each day, are trained to conduct work effectively. In addition, she maintained that a feedback will be issued within a period of three days.

    To read the article titled, “Gauteng premier has service delivery hotline,” click here.

    Source: 
    The Citizen
  • Plan to Change Ekurhuleni Informal Settlements

    Ekurhuleni member of the Mayoral Committee for Human Settlements, Queen Duba, says she will present a multimillion-rand plan to the council aimed at changing the face of 101 informal settlements in the Metro.

    Duba says she will push for a resolution at the first council meeting of 2012 that R150 million be made available to her department to ensure that all informal settlement dwellers receive basic municipal services such as clean water, electricity and accessible roads for ambulance and police services.

    She says that, "The informal settlement management plan is in view of the unique challenges that we face as Ekurhuleni of an influx of migration into the area because of its economic opportunities.” In addition, she describes the plan as ‘very frank’ because it appreciates the fact that a large number of informal settlements will continue to exist for a very long time.

    To read the article titled, “R150m plan for Ekurhuleni informal settlements,” click here.

    Source: 
    Sowetan Live
  • Census 2011 Ends Officially Ends

    The population and household Census 2011 officially came to an end on 30 October 2011.

    However, Statistics South Africa spokesperson, Trevor Oosterwyk, confirms that volunteers will continue counting those who have not been counted during a ‘mop-up’ phase that will be initiated on 31 October 2011.

    Oosterwyk points out that, “We have until the 14th to count the rest of the public, this includes those who weren’t home during visits and those who had previously refused to participate.

    To read article titled, “Census 2011 officially comes to an end today,” click here.

    Source: 
    The Citizen
  • Corruption Blamed for Lack of Services

    Swaziland’s Minister of Finance, Majozi Sithole, has told the Senate that each year the country loses nearly double the annual social services budget to corruption, and NGOs are not being spared.

    Sithole estimates that about R80 million a month is disappearing - amounting to about R960 million annually - while the government’s 2010/11 budget allocated R562 million to social services, including R182 million for education and R252 million for health.

    In the same vein, Thandi Nkambule, director of the Swaziland Network for People with HIV and AIDS, an umbrella group for NGOs dealing with HIV/AIDS issues, has been quoted as saying that, “Corruption is a known reason why government is in a financial crisis.”

    Nkambule further blames the shortage of antiretrovirals (ARVs) for the HIV-positive Swazis on corruption.

    To read the article titled, “Corruption exceeds social services budget in Swaziland,” click here.

    Source: 
    Times Live
  • Nationalisation: Will ANC Researchers Take Note of the Experience of their African Brethren?

    According to a recent IOL news piece, “Zambia’s Banda says copper windfall tax is ‘bad business’", Zambian President Rupiah Banda has “ruled out windfall taxes for mining companies enjoying record copper prices, saying that changing the rules for foreign investors was plain bad business”. South African authorities can take a leaf out of Banda’s book by rejecting out-of-hand the ludicrous proposals to nationalise SA mines, as opposed to drawing out the process by dispatching a task team to determine nationalisation’s viability.

    The uncertainty created by drawing out this process is no doubt deterring investment as mining companies sit in limbo waiting to discover their future. Zambia is well aware of the consequences of interfering in the market by changing the rules of the game. After gaining independence in the 1960s the Zambian government thought that by controlling the copper companies they would be able to achieve their developmental goals with the revenues derived from mining operations. However, when the world price of copper dropped unexpectedly in the mid 1970s, it put the fiscus under immense pressure and Zambia was plunged into debt as the government attempted to sustain the now unprofitable mining operations.

    The government was forced to make some painful decisions, the cost of which ultimately came at the expense of development in other sectors of the economy. As a consequence of the disastrous mine nationalisation policy, Zambia went from one of sub-Saharan Africa’s most prosperous nations to one of its poorest within a matter of decades. After privatising operations in 2000, Zambian copper output has made steady progress but has only recently recovered to output levels last seen when the sector was nationalised in the late 1960s.

    Ghana nationalised its mining sector in the early 1960s with the objective of “maximising government revenue... and employment generation”. Instead, the industry experienced a dramatic decline following nationalisation, with gold production falling from 915 317 ounces in 1960 to 282 299 ounces by 1984. The reasons given by the World Bank for the decline were a “lack of foreign exchange to maintain and rehabilitate the mines; lack of capital investment for mining skills; infrastructure deterioration, particularly shortages of rail capacity for manganese and bauxite; mining company financial problems due to the greatly over-valued currency and spiralling inflation; a declining grade of gold ore; the exhaustion of high grade manganese ore; the depletion of the more lucrative diamond mines in many areas; high absenteeism and low worker discipline; and pilfering, illegal panning and smuggling of gold and diamonds”.

    In 1983, Ghana introduced its “Economic Recovery Plan” (ERP), which implemented radical mine privatisation. At the time of the launch of ERP, gold production had fallen to 285 291 ounces. A dramatic improvement followed in the gold mining sector and rapid growth in annual gold production. After a mere 12 years, the privatised mines increased output from about 300 000 tons to approximately 2.5 million tons, an increase of over 700 percent. In contrast, when mining operations were held in the hands of government, output declined steadily over a period of 29 years, from about 750 000 tons to about 280 000 tons.

    Ghana’s gold production increased to 2.9 million ounces in 2009. Since privatisation, the annual gold production in Ghana has increased more than 10 times over the last 27 years, and revenue reached US$2.8 billion. As a country, Ghana has benefited from the improvement in its mining situation. According to the United States Geological Survey, “The contribution of Ghana’s mining sector to the country’s gross domestic product increased from 1.3 percent in 1991 to an average of about five percent in recent years. Export earnings from minerals averaged 35 percent, and the sector was one of the largest contributors to Government revenues through the payment of mineral royalties, employee income taxes, and corporate taxes”. Growth in the mining sector also contributed substantially to a rise in per capita GDP (measured on a ppp basis in 2009 dollars), which increased from US$449 in 1983 to US$1 571 in 2009.

    Attempts at nationalisation reveal that whenever government involves itself with business, it unleashes a conflicting mix of social and efficiency objectives. To justify nationalisation, governments invariably make a raft of promises to voters but when faced with difficult but necessary decisions, often driven by changes internationally, they default on those promises. These promises do not come without their consequences and invariably inflict substantial damage on the domestic economy.

    Nationalisation of private businesses is more perplexing because, in all cases, the government receives significant revenues from private companies without carrying any of the risks involved in operating a business.

    - Jasson Urbach is an economist with the Free Market Foundation. The views expressed in the article are the author’s and are not necessarily shared by the members of the Free Market Foundation.
    Author(s): 
    Jasson Urbach
  • Mandela Day: Remembering Struggles for the Poor

    The South African calendar is full of days on which we are asked to celebrate our freedom. There is Human Rights Day, Freedom Day, Worker's Day, Youth Day, Mandela Day, Women's Day and Heritage Day. These days are turned to months. Those of us who refuse to celebrate these days and months as if the struggle is over and who insist that the struggle goes on are called reactionaries.

    Fifty years ago the revolutionary philosopher Frantz Fanon wrote that:

    The leader pacifies the people. For years on end after independence has been won, we see him, incapable of urging on the people to a concrete task, unable really to open the future to them or of flinging them into the path of national reconstruction, that is to say, of their own reconstruction; we see him reassessing the history of independence and recalling the sacred unity of the struggle for liberation. The leader, because he refuses to break up the national bourgeoisie, asks the people to fall back into the past and to become drunk on the remembrance of the epoch which led up to independence. The leader, seen objectively, brings the people to a halt and persists in either expelling them from history or preventing them from taking root in it. During the struggle for liberation the leader awakened the people and promised them a forward march, heroic and unmitigated. Today, he uses every means to put them to sleep, and three or four times a year asks them to remember the colonial period and to look back on the long way they have come since then.

    We have had more than one leader since 1994. But the party has played this role of the leader. Fanon goes on to say that:

    Now it must be said that the masses show themselves totally incapable of appreciating the long way they have come. The peasant who goes on scratching out a living from the soil, and the unemployed man who never finds employment do not manage, in spite of public holidays and flags, new and brightly-coloured though they may be, to convince themselves that anything has really changed in their lives. The bourgeoisie who are in power vainly increase the number of processions; the masses have no illusions. They are hungry; and the police officers, though now they are Africans, do not serve to reassure them particularly. The masses begin to sulk; they turn away from this nation in which they have been given no place and begin to lose interest in it.

    For us Fanon is a prophet. Our lives confirm his vision of the future and the need for struggle to continue after independence.

    Human Rights Day is on 21 March and March is Human Rights Month. We all know that you can't eat human rights or live in human rights. But human rights should protect you as you struggle for land and housing, for education, and for all that you need. Yet we have been repressed in Human Rights Month.

    In March 2005, residents of the Kennedy Road settlement blockaded the road because they wanted to fight for their right to land in Kennedy Road. They knew that shelter, electricity, water and sanitation are their human rights. But they were beaten and fourteen people, the Kennedy Fourteen, were arrested. Even school children were taken to Westville prison. That is illegal but it was the protesters that were called criminals. The road blockade was how they mobilised, organised and emerged as a poor people's movement. The movement grew out the fact that the response to the road blockade was police brutality instead of negotiation. Should the Kennedy People really have been celebrating Human Rights Day while they were being beaten and jailed? Should they have been celebrating while the police occupied their settlement?

    We have not only been beaten and jailed in Human Rights Month. We have also been evicted. On 6 March 2009, the Durban High Court ordered Shepisi Dlamini and 49 others who were residing at the Siyanda settlement in Newlands East to relocate to the Transit camp situated in Richmond Farm to allow the MR 577 main road to be constructed. That application to evict Abahlali baseMjondolo was brought to court by the then KwaZulu-Natal transport MEC, Bheki Cele, and the eThekwini Municipality. We went to court and the Court promised that no one would stay in the transit camp for more than one year and that everyone would get water and electricity in the transit camp. The victims were promised houses within one year. But there was no water or electricity in the transit camp and more than two years later the victims are still sitting in the transit camp.

    The Municipality has just ignored the court order. It was on 17 March when the victims left their shacks, which were then destroyed by the eThekwini Municipality agents, and were then relocated to the very inhumane tins where they are still languishing. There is not enough space for families, no clean water, electricity, and sanitation. The place is not safe to live in. It was Human Rights Month but they were not celebrating! Do you think they were being reactionary?

    On 21 March 2009, Rural Network members had a protest march in Rietvlei near Greytown because the so called farmer Collen de Gasparyz of Bright Water farm had brutally assaulted and was also evicting the Masikane family.

    The Rural Network, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Landless People's Movement were all in that march to support the struggle of the Masikane’s, who were victimised by de Gasparyz. The memorandum of grievances was received by the official Zondi on behalf of the then safety and security MEC, Bheki Cele. In that memorandum they were also complaining about the Rietvlei station commissioner, Captain Jonck, whom they accused of being biased because she was not arresting de Gasparyz. Because of the strong evidence against Captain Jonck given by Rural Network she resigned in May 2009. This protest was organised by the Rural Network on Human Rights Day. We were fighting for human rights that were violated by private sector and government departments. What were we supposed to do? To celebrate human rights day while we were being victimised?

    On 21 March 2010, the Rural Network organised an event at Nkwalini between Melmoth and eShowe. Abahlali baseMjondolo also took part in that event.

    We were all reiterating that our human rights are being trampled over by farmers like Mark Channels of New Venture farm and the municipalities who were trying to evict Nkwalini people, farm dwellers and shack dwellers. Channel destroyed about 30 homes because he wanted to build a game reserve. That farmer had applied for a court interdict to forbid the Inkosi, traditional leaders and the members of our organisations to move and have meetings on their own land, which is under the Ingonyama Trust. This farmer Channels also hijacked and confiscated the public school Khethimfundo Primary School and incorporated it to his farm as if it is a private school. He fired and hired teachers as if it was his school so we were talking about these sufferings and social ills in our event. Does it make sense to celebrate Human Rights Day when a white man can use a game reserve to become a dictator? Don't human rights mean that human beings come first - before animals and before private profit?

    On 22 March 2010, Abahlali baseMjondolo invited Rural Network to their protest to demand their human rights and services from government and municipality. The march started from Botha Park and was supposed to proceed to King Dinizulu City Hall but we were barred by police personnel to reach the City Hall. We were nearly shot by the police force and we had to change our route so we went to Albert Park we were handed over the memorandum to Cyril Xaba who is an MPP and also an advisor to KwaZulu-Natal premier Dr. Zweli Mkhize. He received the memorandum on behalf of President Jacob Zuma. It was a big march. We were thousands. Do we all deserve to be called reactionaries? It was towards the 2010 soccer World Cup tournament and evictions were rife! Should we be celebrating human rights when we are being evicted and denied the right to march through our own city?

    On 5 March 2011, Nayetsheni Lymon Ndlozi, 62 years, residing in Uitkom farm in Utrecht was physically assaulted by the notorious farmer Johan Landman and his son of Vaalbarn farm after the farmer had impounded Ndlozi’s cattle. Ndlozi is a labour tenant who claimed Uitkom farm from Landman’s father.

    On 28 March 2011, Abahlali baseMjondolo in the Dududu settlement on the South Coast of KwaZulu-Natal had a protest march to demand services from their district and the local municipality. They demanded houses that were promised and water, electricity, sanitation, health facilities and agricultural projects. All these projects are in their IDP and they had all been approved four years ago but had not yet implemented. So Abahlali baseMjondolo and Dududu community members marched to Vulamehlo local municipality and submitted the memorandum to the now ex-mayor Bongiwe Duma.

    This march followed that of Abahlali baseMjondolo and other progressive organisations like the Rural Network, the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA), the Fisher Folk, and others from Durban Social Forum (DSF) that was on 21 March 2011. They were all demanding social services that they are entitled to and which are their constitutional rights. They were demanding transparency, corruption to be investigated, a simplified and open tendering system that could make corruption more difficult, a fair billing system and clear employment procedures from eThekwini municipality. These were protests about human rights that are violated. These were not celebration events. Are we all crazy or unpatriotic?

    In April those who are free celebrate Freedom Day. But in 2006 Abahlali initiated unFreedom Day where we dream and plan in reflection as to how we can realise our own freedom, freedom for always and not freedom by event, freedom everywhere and not only in the stadiums, freedom for everyone and not freedom only for the elite, politicians, officials and government representatives. When we talk about freedom we mean freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom of speech and freedom of movement. Therefore when we reflect on freedom we are lamenting and not celebrating because we do not enjoy these freedoms. Is it reactionary to refuse to celebrate freedoms that you do not have?

    In May our country celebrates what is called May Day which is Worker's Day. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and its alliance partners used to have workers' events for the whole month. But as social movements we do not relax when workers’ rights are celebrated. Many of our members have no jobs and when they do have jobs they are working casual, temporary, for labour brokers, as domestic workers and security guards and without rights. And even those few of us that do work with workers rights are not free from evictions and other plagues perpetrated by the state machinery.

    On 14 May 2009, Abahlali baseMjondolo took the notorious Slums Act to the Constitutional Court to challenge this attack on the poor.

    In May 2010, the Rural Network were preoccupied by the Masangweni trial at the eShowe regional court (case number279/06/06) which is about two school boys who were killed by farm guards for eating sugar cane.

    In May 2011, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Rural Network were at the Durban court to support the Kennedy 12 who are charged with public violence and murder. They were accused after being attacked and having their houses destroyed by the African National Congress. Some of the accused were not even in Kennedy during the attack but they are being prosecuted. So in May we were defending ourselves from state repression and not celebrating the rights of workers. We were in court for three consecutive days. During the month of May, politicians were busy electioneering for local government elections which were on 16-18 May 2011. We did not vote. At this time the trial had some transpirations that were reaching a climax in terms of evidence.

    We were privileged to conclude the May month by participating in the discussion that was organised by the Church Land Programme [C.L.P] and the Paulo Freire Project at University of KwaZulu-Natal to deliberate and reflect about our struggle while marking 50 years after the death of Frantz Fanon. We deliberated whether what Frantz Fanon struggled for, and his beliefs and convictions, are still relevant in our struggle under the new dispensation. We were motivated and given courage by fascinating warnings that when colonialism sees that it will lose, it tries to make a deal with leaders of the anti-colonial movement. That deal is for the system of oppression to remain in place but for new people, people who are leaders of the anti-colonial struggle, to take over its management. We ended May on a high note and in a high spirit with the words of Fanon when he says that after independence is achieved the party becomes a means to control the people, it always reminds people of the struggle days to try to keep their loyalty but in fact it is a new oppressor reminding them of freedom days like 2 February 1990 and others while repressing their new struggles to complete liberation.

    June is Youth Month in honour of the courage of the youth killed on 16 June 1976. But our children are still killed today. On 17 June 2006, the day after a 16 June event, two boys were shot for sugar cane eating. Thembinkosi Mpanza was 17 and Vukani Shange was 16 years old. This thing of sugar cane has a long history. Frantz Fanon's ancestors were taken from Africa and India to grow sugar cane in the Caribbean. Millions of people have suffered and died for sugar cane. The sugar cane that was bought here by colonialism is worked by our brothers and sisters, by our mothers. They still don't get a living wage. Many people have got rich from sugar cane. Many more people have been made poor by sugar cane. Millions of people were even made into salves by sugar cane. When these poor boys wanted to take a teaspoon of sugar they were killed. Is it reactionary to refuse to celebrate Youth Day in a way that says that the struggle of the youth is over now when our children are still being killed?

    On 16 June 2009, the Rural Network, together with Abahlali baseMjondolo, attended an event hosted by the Gauteng Landless People's Movement.

    On 24 June 2009, the Rural Network, together with Abahlali baseMjondolo, held a commemoration for Mpanza and Shange.

    On 16 June 2010, we held an event at Masangweni to mobilise the community for the case on the scene where the two boys were shot. A young boy called Oupa Xulu offered up a very moving prayer. He said “Oh God make that sugar cane to taste bitter. Make the oranges to taste bitter. Make it bitter so that we don't want to take it because we are being killed for a tiny bit of sweetness.”

    On 16 June 2011, we joined the Abahlali baseMjondolo Youth Day event at Motala Heights where the community has been fighting a battle against the notorious landlord Ricky Govender for many years.

    On 18 June 2011, the Rural Network held an event to celebrate that we won the case of the two boys murdered for a mouthful of sweetness. Their killers were sentenced to twenty years. We remembered the youth of 1976 on that day. We remembered how Phila Mdletshe has to run with the body of his dead comrade just like Mbuyisa Makhubo had to run with the body of Hector Peterson.

    On 22 June, the notorious farmer, Louis John Nel, began evicting families in eNkwalini. Did the youth of 1976 ever imagine that the white farmers would still be evicting people in a democratic South Africa? Are we reactionaries for finding this unacceptable?

    Mandela Day is celebrated on 18 July and July is Mandela Month. We have not been safe in July either.

    On 24 July 2010, Patrick Mpanza was shot dead by the Farm Watch on Channel's farm near eMpangeni. The case was thrown out of court due to 'insufficient evidence'.

    In July 2011, the eThekwini Municipality declared war on the people of Kennedy Road for the crime of connecting themselves to electricity. It is very sad to see that the Sunday Times is in full support of this war.

    There have also been evictions at Richmond Farm and a notice of motion has been served for evictions in eMmaus.

    What was very good in July 2011 is that S'bu Zikode, David Ntseng and Richard Pithouse met with Ayanda Kota, Nigel Gibson and other comrades from around South Africa as well as the Congo, Jamaica and Ghana in iRhini to discuss the living legacy of Frantz Fanon. This was very powerful.

    On Mandela Day, Abahlali baseMjondolo were in court for the Kennedy 12 case. We as the Rural Network were in court in Utrecht for the case of Mdlalose who was assaulted by a farmer. In Motala Heights Shamita Naidoo is organising an event for all the children.

    On Mandela Day we will still be struggling. We are saying to people that, yes, it is good to give 67 minutes on Mandela Day. But we should give that 67 minutes in struggle. This South Africa is not the country that Tata Mandela and his comrades fought for. The only real way to honour Tata Mandela is to work to complete the struggle of Mandela. This means that the struggle continues. It also means that those who tell us that the struggle is over dishonour the spirit of Mandela.

    We are looking forward to 26-29 July when Dear Mandela, a powerful film about the struggle of Abahlali baseMjondolo, will be released in Durban. This film is clearly saying that Mandela's struggle is not completed.

    Heritage Day is on 24 September. We have twice been attacked in Heritage Month. On 28 September 2007 we were attacked by the police in Sydenham during a peaceful march. The Abahlali Fourteen were arrested. On 26 September 2009, we were playing soccer and dancing in iMfene and were attacked by the ANC in Kennedy Road. The Kennedy Thirteen were arrested. Two days before, on Heritage Day itself, we had launched the Living Learning book in eMmaus and planted trees.

    In September 2010, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Rural Network had a long mediation, refection and recuperation about the attack and the way forward. The attack damaged our movement but it did not defeat it.

    The struggle continues for the Rural Network and Abahlali baseMjondolo during the so-called revered days. The boys who died for a mouthful of sweetness are our Jesus. Isicathimiya and iMfene are our heritage. Living Learning is our philosophy. Struggle will open the road to our future.

    The real reactionaries are those who insist that we are free while we remain oppressed.

    Aluta continua…

    - Reverend Mavuso Mbhekeseni works for the Rural Network. He can be reached at 072 279 2634.
    Author(s): 
    Mavuso Mbhekeseni
  • Tatane’s Family Could Sue State – CASAC

    The Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution (CASAC) says that there is a strong case for slain protester Andries Tatane's family to sue the state for compensation.
     
    CASAC spokesperson, Lawson Naidoo, says the organisation will meet Tatane's family over the next two weeks to explore the options open to them.
     
    The family's civil law suit was expected to be directed against Police Minister, Nathi Mthethwa, or National Commissioner, Bheki Cele.
     
    To read the article titled, “Tatane’s family could sue state,” click here.

    Source: 
    Independent Online
  • Politicians Urged to Defuse Service Delivery Protests

    Former Cabinet minister, Jay Naidoo, says that politicians and not the police should be sent to defuse service delivery protests.
     
    Speaking at Crime Line's fourth anniversary celebrations in Krugersdorp, Naidoo pointed out that, "Politicians must go and speak to the people. The protest is a failed delivery issue and political in nature."
     
    Naidoo said communities get angry when their situations are not improving and they see politicians living the high life. He adds that communities protest when they suspect fraud or corruption.

    To read the articles titled, “Politicians, not police should defuse protests: Naidoo,” click here.

    Source: 
    The Citizen
  • Community Dissatisfaction: A Direct Result of Non-Responsiveness by Government

    On the 13th of April 2011, NGOs whose core focus is the improvement of governance at the local level, gathered at the Cape Milner in Cape Town under the aegis of the Good Governance Learning Network (GGLN) to launch the State of Local Governance report (SoLG) for 2010-11. Besides the delegates from the organisations that constitute the Network, the occasion was graced by the Deputy Minister for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA) Yunus Carrim as the key respondent to the report presentation. This particular report focuses mainly on ‘recognising community voice and dissatisfaction’.

    The research around this topic was informed by the numerous protest marches that have taken place over the past six years or so. At first, the poor service delivery was in part erroneously confused with power elite struggles within the African National Congress which aimed at dethroning the then President, Thabo Mbeki. The argument then was that he was aloof and largely out of touch with the common man’s needs. He had allegedly become hostage to big business interests and that part of the indifferent service delivery performance could be traced to that wayward attitude cascading from the top.

    So, the spate of community protests that preceded the 2007 Polokwane Conference were conveniently associated with the clamour for a leftward shift in economic policies that according to the ‘excluded’ power elites, would herald better service delivery. Of course there was a school of thought that felt that Mbeki had gotten his economics right but had possibly made a mess of the social-political dimension of his administration - perhaps not enough to warrant the rather undignified exit that the Party subjected him to. Not surprisingly, for as long as the ‘excluded’ power elites spoke the language of change and created the impression that they would be more responsive to people’s legitimate grievances, popular support held until regime change was achieved.

    However, following the 2009 elections, many people quickly realised that the promised change was not happening fast enough and were even suspicious of the new Administration’s commitment to any change at all. There was some kind of a ‘buyer’s remorse’ accompanied by growing murmurs and grumbling over what people viewed as a business as usual modus operandi of the new administration. Although it had appeared like the Zuma administration was going to get a substantial honeymoon period, the pressures of poverty coupled with the non-essential expenditure excesses of some elements of the in-coming cabinet inadvertently hastened the commencement of the new spates of violent protests. Social movements helped mobilise communities for such protest actions but also in some cases, community leaders simply called upon already fired-up community groups to act.

    Ordinarily, communities that resorted to protest actions would have tried the negotiation routes including civic engagement through the invited spaces such as the ward committee forums, IDP and budgeting processes etc but to no avail. In some cases municipal leadership injudiciously resorted to the Marie Antoinette’s type of arrogance that only fuelled anger and desperation. When the resultant frustrations degenerated into acts of violence, government grudgingly came calling and promised immediate remedy to the appalling conditions. Worryingly, community groups made the crucial observation that government only appears to respond when violence is applied.

    Logically to them, the greater the intensity of such violence, the higher the chance that even the President would pay attention. Two points can be deduced from this scenario; firstly, it sets a bad precedent and encourages violent upheavals as a mode of expressing popular dissatisfaction. Secondly, it tends to undermine protests as a form of expression and ventilation of legitimate grievances. While it is true that sometimes genuine protest actions are hijacked by criminal elements and disgruntled political operatives, there is no denying that the latter simply exploit an already desperate situation for their own ends. Therefore, instead of waiting for the tensions to degenerate into runaway violence leading to unfortunate loss of lives and destruction of both private and public property - the responsible thing for the state to do is to be responsive to people’s grievances, respectfully and without undue delays. This is the theme that runs through all the chapters of the SoLG 2010-11.

    Evidence seems to suggest that when there is greater openness and people are enjoined, genuinely, in decision-making processes, they tend to be more understanding and less susceptible to political manipulation regarding unfounded claims of mal-administration. In essence, they internalise a more realistic attitude and could become very useful allies in development rather than perpetually disgruntled consumers of services.

    The report is fittingly critical of the invited spaces for citizen participation - especially the ward committees. It notes that although public participation in governance and development processes is a fundamental constitutional imperative, in practice, municipalities rather than facilitate such participation, tend to frustrate it. Ward committees remain mere extensions of dominant political parties and although complaints initially related to their being under-resourced, there are now fears that the little stipend that has now been availed by the state may worsen rather than improve matters. There are chances that competition for membership of ward committees might intensify and so might political intrigues.

    The stipend and other goodies might, instead of facilitating these committees in the execution of their mandates, hamper them by heightening the stakes of falling foul with their political bosses, the councillors. Besides, there is a school of thought that feels that the ethos of self-less service are increasingly being lost through ‘service payments’ to every emergent representative structure. Although quite frankly the same argument could be advanced to disadvantage councillors as well, the more critical question asked is to what extent is ward committees representative of the voices of the marginalised segments of our society? Sadly, numerous studies, including research undertaken for the SoLG suggest that this particular space is of doubtful efficacy to such communities especially when issues are emotive, contentious and politically significant. This space is frequently manipulated to serve narrow political interests and undermine real civic engagement.

    Fortunately, various civil society organisations have devised fairly independent mechanisms and forums for community engagement. The downside is that many municipalities misconstrue the agenda of such outfits. They tend to resist them and remain rabidly hesitant to allowing them to forge meaningful partnerships in the promotion of public participation. Some do so because of fears that an informed citizenry could become too demanding against limited resources. However, this is a clearly misplaced fear. Evidence seems to suggest that when there is greater openness and people are enjoined, genuinely, in decision-making processes, they tend to be more understanding and less susceptible to political manipulation regarding unfounded claims of mal-administration. In essence, they internalise a more realistic attitude and could become very useful allies in development rather than perpetually disgruntled consumers of services.

    The report also touches on the tensions that continue to build-up among rural communities over their citizenship to a democratic state while still being treated as subjects to their respective traditional authorities that are duly recognised under our laws. Women are particularly more disadvantaged because in many cases tradition does not allow them to ‘own’ land - the key factor of production in those areas. The contradictions have worsened due to the fact that the traditional authorities now draw salaries from the state coffers while they still remain unelected and largely unaccountable to the people. Moreover, the perpetual tension between the traditional leaders and the elected councilors continue to constitute a serious hurdle to brisk development in the rural areas.

    None of the two sets of leadership seems to be doing enough to promote real civic engagement. Until harmony between these two sets of leadership is attained and the benefits of the Constitution, especially on the treatment of women, are realised, rural development will remain a mirage. Yet, with political will, it is possible for all to enjoy a truly participatory democracy.

    References: Afesis-corplan has a limited number of copies of the SoLG but readers are also encouraged to visit www.ggln.org.za for the electronic version.

    Marie Antoinette (the wife of King Louis xiv of France) infamously wondered aloud why the people protesting against shortage of bread couldn’t substitute with cakes.

    - Peter Kimemia manages all programme activities including project staff and resources at Afesis-corplan. This article first appeared in The Transformer, April/May/June edition. It is republished here with the permission of Afesis-corplan, a NGO. 
    Author(s): 
    Peter Kimemia
  • Local Elections Are About Service Delivery

    A round trip of over 250km, from home to a community-based project established by my organisation, made me realise what these elections are all about. Living in a relatively well-serviced community with its typical problems compared to a typical township made me realise that the local government elections are all about services.

    In fact, most political parties based their campaigning on this theme. Some with billboards depicted images of service delivery in progress while others chose to roll up their sleeves and help clean mounds of rubbish from impoverished communities.

    Now, depending on who you are, where you live and if you have a job, you may ask how these elections affect you. The truth is that if you live in a decent neighbourhood, have running water and electricity and if your refuse is removed weekly, you are less likely to be affected directly in the short term.

    But as the youth of North Africa and the Middle East came to know, short-term can become long-term and a lifetime. And, just as you abdicate your responsibility of electing competent and committed representatives to serve the community, so too, in time, you lose your right to voice your opinion about the role of elected officials.

    An Independent Electoral Commission’s voter registration campaign poster, which looked more like a Valentine’s Day card, was spot on. It read vote if you love your country. Indeed, these local government elections have less to do with personalities and politicking and everything to do with the state of our nation. The roads we drive on, the houses we live in, the clinics we visit, our children’s schools and many other municipal services we take for granted.

    The Society for African National Zakah Fund (SANZAF) works in some of the poorest and most impoverished communities of our country. Many of our recipients live in these communities and we know their plight. How rain water collects in potholes the size of fish ponds and where mounds of uncollected refuse breeds rats. How, already poor families have to walk for long distances to reach a clinic only to be seen by tired, overworked nurses. Where libraries are too few and far between and where a lack of economic opportunities deepens the cycle of poverty.

    Service delivery protests, as ugly as they sometimes become, are cries and pleas for help from people who feel marginalised and forgotten. The “Arab Spring”, as it has come to be known, was brought on as much from frustration with unaccountable and unsympathetic leaders as it was from the have’s forgetting the plight of the have not’s.

    Don’t forget the poor. They deserve every bit as much help to get decent services as you do. The local government elections is as much about demanding your rights to good service as it is about helping to make a difference in the lives of others. Your vote is their voice.

    The Society for African National Zakah Fund (SANZAF) makes an appeal to South Africans to cast their vote on 18 May 2011.

    M. Hoosen Essof is director of the Society for African National Zakah Fund in Gauteng.
    Author(s): 
    M. Hoosen Essof
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