poverty
poverty
Africa’s Middle Class Growing Steadily
The African Development Bank says that Africa's middle class has tripled over the last 30 years, with fully one in three now considered above the poverty line but not among the wealthy.
In its latest report, the bank says that in 2010, 34.3 percent of the African population, or 313 million people, were classified as middle class, compared with 26.2 percent or 111 million people in 1980.
It argues that, "Solid economic growth in Africa over the past two decades has contributed to reducing poverty in Africa and increasing the size of the middle class."
To read the article titled, “Africa's middle class growing steadily, says bank,” click here.Source:Mail & GuardianGlobal Power Shifts - Boxing People Into Corners…
May you live in interesting times[i] is an often-misquoted proverb (or curse) allegedly of Chinese origin. It is rather strange that Chinese proverbs, quotes and curses are so enduring, yet the biggest criticism of Chinese made goods is their poor quality, even if the Mac Book Pro I am putting this together on is in fact made in China, but maybe that is a blog for another day.
And indeed, I feel I am truly living in the most interesting of times, from being chased by state police off a beach reserved for white people only, when I was 10 years old, to being one of the first non-whites to attend the local university in my hometown after finishing high school. Then a few years later, I got to vote, along with all other South Africans for the first time in 1994[ii] and several other wonderful experiences of being an equal citizen in the country of my birth. It is a wonderful and humbling experience to feel in your own skin, a real part of the only country you really know, are a part of and belong to. The current global power shift feels to me to be pretty much like that feeling on 27 April 1994, when I stood in a queue at the primary school near my parents' home, waiting and feeling the energy of people around me, young and old, that wonderful feeling of being a real part of something that had been a part of us for a few generations already.
So, if we ask what a perspective of the global power shift is about, then we must know it is about people expressing their desire to once again feel a real part of their countries. By and large, CSOs are on the periphery of this movement of people. Most NGOs are part of what is usually described as the establishment and tend to work to models of development that presume to know what needs to be done to develop people and how to deliver it.
In South Africa, there is a gentle but interesting shift in this power balance; manifest in the way both political and other social groupings are building mass-based support outside of the traditional apex NGO network organisations. Two examples of this power shift are the pro-poor role taken on by African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) leader, Julius Malema[iii], and on the other side of the spectrum, the growing support for the September National Imbizo (SNI). [iv] Neither Julius (or Juju as he is more affectionately known) nor Andile Mngxitama (of the SNI) represent poor people. A few small forests and gigabytes of server space dedicated to just how disparate Juju’s calls for economic freedom are from his personal wealth are a distraction – no one derides Warren Buffet when he calls for the super rich in the United States to be taxed at a higher rate[v], yet in SA, this point is missed and it seems that only a very poor person can in fact try to break down a system that keeps people poor. Not that Juju is trying to break down any system, if anything; the reductionist view of his climb to power can be described as purely selfish, he wants to be President and have even more power at his disposal. Andile and the SNI on the other hand are what can be described as Black Consciousness warriors. Sadly, these warriors have not only lost their only map but have redrawn a vague version of the original map in their own image and now seek to polarise people as a means of amassing support to topple the current ANC-led government. This is very different from the ideals of Bantu Steve Biko.
Where are people in all of this? Nowhere really, because both Juju and Andile seek to support the very basic premise of modern power relations by promoting the cult of leadership, whereas the occupy movement is at least, focussed on people acting in harmony to demand more open decision making about the way their countries and the world are managed.
So, what is the prognosis for the occupy movement? For a start, it is here to stay. It is here and will not go away despite attempts by the ruling elite, including NGOs, to cannibalise their ideals and find ways to organise the movement in the only way they know, in a way that is palatable to current political hegemony. It is unlikely to work.
What we are likely to see is a growing mass of people, sans any rigid framework of NGO or CSO control, constantly demanding the same simple things: that the people we elect are accountable, that the taxes we pay are not frittered away on bling cars and that quality public and social goods are delivered to all.
What is needed now more than ever, is for one brave nation to heed the calls of the occupy movement, to sit down and listen to the demands of people, to agree to fix what needs to be fixed and to deliver it, promptly and effectively. If that happens, then the global power shift of the current era has a chance of delivering a better life for all. If this brave nation can be SA, the current economic colonisers of Africa, then, there is a bigger hope that Biko’s dream of a great gift from Africa, of giving the world a more human face[vi], is in fact realised.
President Jacob Zuma, as you enjoy Cannes and the G20, know that you have the opportunity to give this gift, from all of us to the entire world. Go occupy the G20 with some radical ideas!
Rajesh Latchman
This blog post was inspired by an invitation from the Berlin Centre for Civil Society’s 3rd Annual Global Perspectives meeting from the 9-11 November 2011, in collaboration with the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP).
Read more here: www.berlin-civil-society-center.org/our-work/convening/global-perspectives-2011
- Rajesh Latchman is a guerrilla gardener, cyclist (who has had more bicycles stolen in Johannesburg than he has slept nights in 5 star hotels) and an unreformed recycler. He works as Coordinator of the National Welfare Forum and is the Volunteer Convenor of GCAP South Africa. He writes in his personal capacity.
Mandela Day: Remembering Struggles for the Poor
The South African calendar is full of days on which we are asked to celebrate our freedom. There is Human Rights Day, Freedom Day, Worker's Day, Youth Day, Mandela Day, Women's Day and Heritage Day. These days are turned to months. Those of us who refuse to celebrate these days and months as if the struggle is over and who insist that the struggle goes on are called reactionaries.
Fifty years ago the revolutionary philosopher Frantz Fanon wrote that:
The leader pacifies the people. For years on end after independence has been won, we see him, incapable of urging on the people to a concrete task, unable really to open the future to them or of flinging them into the path of national reconstruction, that is to say, of their own reconstruction; we see him reassessing the history of independence and recalling the sacred unity of the struggle for liberation. The leader, because he refuses to break up the national bourgeoisie, asks the people to fall back into the past and to become drunk on the remembrance of the epoch which led up to independence. The leader, seen objectively, brings the people to a halt and persists in either expelling them from history or preventing them from taking root in it. During the struggle for liberation the leader awakened the people and promised them a forward march, heroic and unmitigated. Today, he uses every means to put them to sleep, and three or four times a year asks them to remember the colonial period and to look back on the long way they have come since then.
We have had more than one leader since 1994. But the party has played this role of the leader. Fanon goes on to say that:
Now it must be said that the masses show themselves totally incapable of appreciating the long way they have come. The peasant who goes on scratching out a living from the soil, and the unemployed man who never finds employment do not manage, in spite of public holidays and flags, new and brightly-coloured though they may be, to convince themselves that anything has really changed in their lives. The bourgeoisie who are in power vainly increase the number of processions; the masses have no illusions. They are hungry; and the police officers, though now they are Africans, do not serve to reassure them particularly. The masses begin to sulk; they turn away from this nation in which they have been given no place and begin to lose interest in it.
For us Fanon is a prophet. Our lives confirm his vision of the future and the need for struggle to continue after independence.
Human Rights Day is on 21 March and March is Human Rights Month. We all know that you can't eat human rights or live in human rights. But human rights should protect you as you struggle for land and housing, for education, and for all that you need. Yet we have been repressed in Human Rights Month.
In March 2005, residents of the Kennedy Road settlement blockaded the road because they wanted to fight for their right to land in Kennedy Road. They knew that shelter, electricity, water and sanitation are their human rights. But they were beaten and fourteen people, the Kennedy Fourteen, were arrested. Even school children were taken to Westville prison. That is illegal but it was the protesters that were called criminals. The road blockade was how they mobilised, organised and emerged as a poor people's movement. The movement grew out the fact that the response to the road blockade was police brutality instead of negotiation. Should the Kennedy People really have been celebrating Human Rights Day while they were being beaten and jailed? Should they have been celebrating while the police occupied their settlement?
We have not only been beaten and jailed in Human Rights Month. We have also been evicted. On 6 March 2009, the Durban High Court ordered Shepisi Dlamini and 49 others who were residing at the Siyanda settlement in Newlands East to relocate to the Transit camp situated in Richmond Farm to allow the MR 577 main road to be constructed. That application to evict Abahlali baseMjondolo was brought to court by the then KwaZulu-Natal transport MEC, Bheki Cele, and the eThekwini Municipality. We went to court and the Court promised that no one would stay in the transit camp for more than one year and that everyone would get water and electricity in the transit camp. The victims were promised houses within one year. But there was no water or electricity in the transit camp and more than two years later the victims are still sitting in the transit camp.
The Municipality has just ignored the court order. It was on 17 March when the victims left their shacks, which were then destroyed by the eThekwini Municipality agents, and were then relocated to the very inhumane tins where they are still languishing. There is not enough space for families, no clean water, electricity, and sanitation. The place is not safe to live in. It was Human Rights Month but they were not celebrating! Do you think they were being reactionary?
On 21 March 2009, Rural Network members had a protest march in Rietvlei near Greytown because the so called farmer Collen de Gasparyz of Bright Water farm had brutally assaulted and was also evicting the Masikane family.
The Rural Network, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Landless People's Movement were all in that march to support the struggle of the Masikane’s, who were victimised by de Gasparyz. The memorandum of grievances was received by the official Zondi on behalf of the then safety and security MEC, Bheki Cele. In that memorandum they were also complaining about the Rietvlei station commissioner, Captain Jonck, whom they accused of being biased because she was not arresting de Gasparyz. Because of the strong evidence against Captain Jonck given by Rural Network she resigned in May 2009. This protest was organised by the Rural Network on Human Rights Day. We were fighting for human rights that were violated by private sector and government departments. What were we supposed to do? To celebrate human rights day while we were being victimised?
On 21 March 2010, the Rural Network organised an event at Nkwalini between Melmoth and eShowe. Abahlali baseMjondolo also took part in that event.
We were all reiterating that our human rights are being trampled over by farmers like Mark Channels of New Venture farm and the municipalities who were trying to evict Nkwalini people, farm dwellers and shack dwellers. Channel destroyed about 30 homes because he wanted to build a game reserve. That farmer had applied for a court interdict to forbid the Inkosi, traditional leaders and the members of our organisations to move and have meetings on their own land, which is under the Ingonyama Trust. This farmer Channels also hijacked and confiscated the public school Khethimfundo Primary School and incorporated it to his farm as if it is a private school. He fired and hired teachers as if it was his school so we were talking about these sufferings and social ills in our event. Does it make sense to celebrate Human Rights Day when a white man can use a game reserve to become a dictator? Don't human rights mean that human beings come first - before animals and before private profit?
On 22 March 2010, Abahlali baseMjondolo invited Rural Network to their protest to demand their human rights and services from government and municipality. The march started from Botha Park and was supposed to proceed to King Dinizulu City Hall but we were barred by police personnel to reach the City Hall. We were nearly shot by the police force and we had to change our route so we went to Albert Park we were handed over the memorandum to Cyril Xaba who is an MPP and also an advisor to KwaZulu-Natal premier Dr. Zweli Mkhize. He received the memorandum on behalf of President Jacob Zuma. It was a big march. We were thousands. Do we all deserve to be called reactionaries? It was towards the 2010 soccer World Cup tournament and evictions were rife! Should we be celebrating human rights when we are being evicted and denied the right to march through our own city?
On 5 March 2011, Nayetsheni Lymon Ndlozi, 62 years, residing in Uitkom farm in Utrecht was physically assaulted by the notorious farmer Johan Landman and his son of Vaalbarn farm after the farmer had impounded Ndlozi’s cattle. Ndlozi is a labour tenant who claimed Uitkom farm from Landman’s father.
On 28 March 2011, Abahlali baseMjondolo in the Dududu settlement on the South Coast of KwaZulu-Natal had a protest march to demand services from their district and the local municipality. They demanded houses that were promised and water, electricity, sanitation, health facilities and agricultural projects. All these projects are in their IDP and they had all been approved four years ago but had not yet implemented. So Abahlali baseMjondolo and Dududu community members marched to Vulamehlo local municipality and submitted the memorandum to the now ex-mayor Bongiwe Duma.
This march followed that of Abahlali baseMjondolo and other progressive organisations like the Rural Network, the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA), the Fisher Folk, and others from Durban Social Forum (DSF) that was on 21 March 2011. They were all demanding social services that they are entitled to and which are their constitutional rights. They were demanding transparency, corruption to be investigated, a simplified and open tendering system that could make corruption more difficult, a fair billing system and clear employment procedures from eThekwini municipality. These were protests about human rights that are violated. These were not celebration events. Are we all crazy or unpatriotic?
In April those who are free celebrate Freedom Day. But in 2006 Abahlali initiated unFreedom Day where we dream and plan in reflection as to how we can realise our own freedom, freedom for always and not freedom by event, freedom everywhere and not only in the stadiums, freedom for everyone and not freedom only for the elite, politicians, officials and government representatives. When we talk about freedom we mean freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom of speech and freedom of movement. Therefore when we reflect on freedom we are lamenting and not celebrating because we do not enjoy these freedoms. Is it reactionary to refuse to celebrate freedoms that you do not have?
In May our country celebrates what is called May Day which is Worker's Day. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and its alliance partners used to have workers' events for the whole month. But as social movements we do not relax when workers’ rights are celebrated. Many of our members have no jobs and when they do have jobs they are working casual, temporary, for labour brokers, as domestic workers and security guards and without rights. And even those few of us that do work with workers rights are not free from evictions and other plagues perpetrated by the state machinery.
On 14 May 2009, Abahlali baseMjondolo took the notorious Slums Act to the Constitutional Court to challenge this attack on the poor.
In May 2010, the Rural Network were preoccupied by the Masangweni trial at the eShowe regional court (case number279/06/06) which is about two school boys who were killed by farm guards for eating sugar cane.
In May 2011, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Rural Network were at the Durban court to support the Kennedy 12 who are charged with public violence and murder. They were accused after being attacked and having their houses destroyed by the African National Congress. Some of the accused were not even in Kennedy during the attack but they are being prosecuted. So in May we were defending ourselves from state repression and not celebrating the rights of workers. We were in court for three consecutive days. During the month of May, politicians were busy electioneering for local government elections which were on 16-18 May 2011. We did not vote. At this time the trial had some transpirations that were reaching a climax in terms of evidence.
We were privileged to conclude the May month by participating in the discussion that was organised by the Church Land Programme [C.L.P] and the Paulo Freire Project at University of KwaZulu-Natal to deliberate and reflect about our struggle while marking 50 years after the death of Frantz Fanon. We deliberated whether what Frantz Fanon struggled for, and his beliefs and convictions, are still relevant in our struggle under the new dispensation. We were motivated and given courage by fascinating warnings that when colonialism sees that it will lose, it tries to make a deal with leaders of the anti-colonial movement. That deal is for the system of oppression to remain in place but for new people, people who are leaders of the anti-colonial struggle, to take over its management. We ended May on a high note and in a high spirit with the words of Fanon when he says that after independence is achieved the party becomes a means to control the people, it always reminds people of the struggle days to try to keep their loyalty but in fact it is a new oppressor reminding them of freedom days like 2 February 1990 and others while repressing their new struggles to complete liberation.
June is Youth Month in honour of the courage of the youth killed on 16 June 1976. But our children are still killed today. On 17 June 2006, the day after a 16 June event, two boys were shot for sugar cane eating. Thembinkosi Mpanza was 17 and Vukani Shange was 16 years old. This thing of sugar cane has a long history. Frantz Fanon's ancestors were taken from Africa and India to grow sugar cane in the Caribbean. Millions of people have suffered and died for sugar cane. The sugar cane that was bought here by colonialism is worked by our brothers and sisters, by our mothers. They still don't get a living wage. Many people have got rich from sugar cane. Many more people have been made poor by sugar cane. Millions of people were even made into salves by sugar cane. When these poor boys wanted to take a teaspoon of sugar they were killed. Is it reactionary to refuse to celebrate Youth Day in a way that says that the struggle of the youth is over now when our children are still being killed?
On 16 June 2009, the Rural Network, together with Abahlali baseMjondolo, attended an event hosted by the Gauteng Landless People's Movement.
On 24 June 2009, the Rural Network, together with Abahlali baseMjondolo, held a commemoration for Mpanza and Shange.
On 16 June 2010, we held an event at Masangweni to mobilise the community for the case on the scene where the two boys were shot. A young boy called Oupa Xulu offered up a very moving prayer. He said “Oh God make that sugar cane to taste bitter. Make the oranges to taste bitter. Make it bitter so that we don't want to take it because we are being killed for a tiny bit of sweetness.”
On 16 June 2011, we joined the Abahlali baseMjondolo Youth Day event at Motala Heights where the community has been fighting a battle against the notorious landlord Ricky Govender for many years.
On 18 June 2011, the Rural Network held an event to celebrate that we won the case of the two boys murdered for a mouthful of sweetness. Their killers were sentenced to twenty years. We remembered the youth of 1976 on that day. We remembered how Phila Mdletshe has to run with the body of his dead comrade just like Mbuyisa Makhubo had to run with the body of Hector Peterson.
On 22 June, the notorious farmer, Louis John Nel, began evicting families in eNkwalini. Did the youth of 1976 ever imagine that the white farmers would still be evicting people in a democratic South Africa? Are we reactionaries for finding this unacceptable?
Mandela Day is celebrated on 18 July and July is Mandela Month. We have not been safe in July either.
On 24 July 2010, Patrick Mpanza was shot dead by the Farm Watch on Channel's farm near eMpangeni. The case was thrown out of court due to 'insufficient evidence'.
In July 2011, the eThekwini Municipality declared war on the people of Kennedy Road for the crime of connecting themselves to electricity. It is very sad to see that the Sunday Times is in full support of this war.
There have also been evictions at Richmond Farm and a notice of motion has been served for evictions in eMmaus.
What was very good in July 2011 is that S'bu Zikode, David Ntseng and Richard Pithouse met with Ayanda Kota, Nigel Gibson and other comrades from around South Africa as well as the Congo, Jamaica and Ghana in iRhini to discuss the living legacy of Frantz Fanon. This was very powerful.
On Mandela Day, Abahlali baseMjondolo were in court for the Kennedy 12 case. We as the Rural Network were in court in Utrecht for the case of Mdlalose who was assaulted by a farmer. In Motala Heights Shamita Naidoo is organising an event for all the children.
On Mandela Day we will still be struggling. We are saying to people that, yes, it is good to give 67 minutes on Mandela Day. But we should give that 67 minutes in struggle. This South Africa is not the country that Tata Mandela and his comrades fought for. The only real way to honour Tata Mandela is to work to complete the struggle of Mandela. This means that the struggle continues. It also means that those who tell us that the struggle is over dishonour the spirit of Mandela.
We are looking forward to 26-29 July when Dear Mandela, a powerful film about the struggle of Abahlali baseMjondolo, will be released in Durban. This film is clearly saying that Mandela's struggle is not completed.
Heritage Day is on 24 September. We have twice been attacked in Heritage Month. On 28 September 2007 we were attacked by the police in Sydenham during a peaceful march. The Abahlali Fourteen were arrested. On 26 September 2009, we were playing soccer and dancing in iMfene and were attacked by the ANC in Kennedy Road. The Kennedy Thirteen were arrested. Two days before, on Heritage Day itself, we had launched the Living Learning book in eMmaus and planted trees.
In September 2010, Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Rural Network had a long mediation, refection and recuperation about the attack and the way forward. The attack damaged our movement but it did not defeat it.
The struggle continues for the Rural Network and Abahlali baseMjondolo during the so-called revered days. The boys who died for a mouthful of sweetness are our Jesus. Isicathimiya and iMfene are our heritage. Living Learning is our philosophy. Struggle will open the road to our future.
The real reactionaries are those who insist that we are free while we remain oppressed.
Aluta continua…
- Reverend Mavuso Mbhekeseni works for the Rural Network. He can be reached at 072 279 2634.Author(s):Mavuso MbhekeseniNOGAID Welcomes World Bank Package to Poorest Nations
International development organisation, Northern Ghana Aid (NOGAID), has lauded the US$49.3 billion World Bank Group assistance package to poorest countries under the International Development Authority (IDA 16) of the bank.
NOGAID executive chairperson, Mustapha Sanah, notes that the climate is right to improve on the fragile economies of Africa and maximising growth through investment in areas that will improve the well-being of the people.
Sanah further expressed the need for beneficiaries of the fund to prioritise their development programmes and strive to reduce waste in the public sector by improving transparency and accountability in governance.
To read the article titled, “NGO commends World Bank for US$49.3b package to poorest nations,” click here.Source:Ghana Business NewsMDGs: Rich Countries Urged to Help
The attainment of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) on poverty, hunger, education, maternal and child deaths and climate change would remain elusive to poor countries without the support of developed countries. That’s according to the Tanzanian foreign affairs and international cooperation minister, Bernard Membe.
Membe argues that with only five years away from the deadline, there are serious gaps in the realisation of commitments on MDG 4 and 5 on the part of developing countries, including Tanzania.
Membe calls for concerted efforts by developed countries to assist poor countries to meet their commitments, adding that, “The funding gap on commitments by developed countries to Africa alone is over US$16 billion.”
To read the article titled, “MDGs unattainable in poor countries if rich nations do not help, says Membe,” click here.
Source:IPP Media#AfricanAgenda2010 - Have your say about Africa's development priorities
This is a critical year for Africa as we head towards the United Nations Summit on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), to be held from 20-22 September 2010 in New York. With only 5 years before the MDGs are to be achieved, it is important that all African stakeholders, including citizens, review the progress made in recent years and develop a set of priorities for engagement and advocacy in Africa, and towards building a redefined relationship between African countries and the international community.Against this background, African Monitor, a Pan-African organisation monitoring development funding commitments to Africa and facilitating the involvement of African voices in the development agenda, and a number of partners, including ONE and the Southern Africa Trust, are facilitating face-to-face consultations around the continent to develop a citizen-driven agenda for Africa in the second decade of the 21st century.
The face-to-face consultations will be complemented by an e-consultation process, referred to as #AfricanAgenda2010, to leverage mass input and collaboration. The target is to generate feedback and responses from 10 000 people. The e-consultation will be a useful tool to solicit people’s perspectives on what they think are the key emerging priorities for Africa. This exercise will identify trends and common issues or priorities in a timely manner along with the face-to-face consultations which explore emerging issues in greater depth.
Coordinated by SANGONeT, the #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation is open to all African citizens, including in the Diaspora.
Your participation is crucial to the success of the e-consultation process.- Complete the #AfricanAgenda2010 Survey;
- Comment on the issues and priorities raised during both the face-to-face and e-consultations;
- Assist us in raising awareness about this process by encouraging your friends, colleagues and people in your networks to also complete the survey.
The final outcome of this consultative process will be a document highlighting key emerging priority issues for Africa for 2010 and beyond. It will be presented to the African Union and shared at other strategic platforms at country, regional and continental levels, with special attention to those that can implement its recommendations by 2015 and contribute to poverty reduction and sustainable development across the continent.
What is #AfricanAgenda2010
This is a critical year for Africa as we head towards the United Nations Summit on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), to be held from 20-22 September 2010 in New York. With only 5 years before the MDGs are to be achieved, it is important that all African stakeholders, including citizens, review the progress made in recent years and develop a set of priorities for engagement and advocacy in Africa, and towards building a redefined relationship between African countries and the international community.
Against this background, African Monitor, a Pan-African organisation monitoring development funding commitments to Africa and facilitating the involvement of African voices in the development agenda, and a number of partners, including ONE and the Southern Africa Trust, are facilitating citizen consultations around the continent to develop a citizen-driven agenda for Africa in the second decade of the 21st century.
The face-to-face consultations will be complemented by an e-consultation process, referred to as #AfricanAgenda2010, to leverage mass input and collaboration. The target is to generate feedback and responses from 10 000 people. The e-consultation will be a useful tool to solicit people’s perspectives on what they think are the key emerging priorities for Africa. This exercise will identify trends and common issues or priorities in a timely manner along with the face-to-face consultations which explore emerging issues in greater depth.
The #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation is open to all African citizens, including in the Diaspora, and is coordinated by the Southern African NGO Network (SANGONeT).
Your participation is crucial to the success of the e-consultation process.
- Complete the #AfricanAgenda2010 Survey;
- Comment on the issues and priorities raised during both the face-to-face and e-consultations;
- Assist us in raising awareness about this process by encouraging your friends, colleagues and people in your networks to also complete the survey.
Feedback from West and East Africa
The following “Challenges, Opportunities and Priority Actions” were highlighted by participants during the face-to-face consultations on 8 March 2010 in Abuja, Nigeria, and 18 March 2010 in Nairobi, Kenya.
Challenges- Africa is not on track in the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the gap between sub-Saharan Africa and rest of developing world is widening. The focus of the African Union (AU) has shifted to the attainable targets (21) and not the (8) goals. This position is not acceptable and civil society must insist on the achievement of the goals and for the G8 to keep their promises.
- Harmony across priorities must be achieved so that Africans agree on a common development agenda. However, before priorities can be determined, it is important to understand why the MDGs have been difficult to realize, identify popular positions and figure out the lessons that need to be learned in order to move forward.
- African countries continue to experience cyclical violence. Societies have still not developed adaptive strategies that can be used to ensure developments are sustained over time.
- Another problem in Africa is also the fact that the new elite rulers do not see themselves as public servants but business people. They have no sense of service to the people but are bent on using the state to pursue and further their business interest. The small ruling elite sits alongside a growing large mass of youth and their movements who feel disenfranchised and have lost confidence in their abilities to make things happen leading to apathy. This has resulted in a loss of the sense of nationalism in many African countries.
- Africans continue to view foreigners as the ones with answers to the problems facing the continent. Opinions of foreigners carry more weight across the continent. Africans have continued to look outwards for solutions to their problems.
- Civil society organisations (CSOs) hold the responsibility for mobilising the people and making them aware of their rights. CSOs also have a responsibility for localising the MDGs, and picking up where the government stops. CSOs’ priorities are largely defined by donor funding interests which are often not the same as the people’s priorities. In addition, the CSO voice in Africa is not unified. Consequently, CSOs are hardly in a position to define themselves as the voice of the African people.
- An African spirit is alive and resilient.
- There is large African Diaspora whose skills, financial resources and technology ‘bridges’ can be leveraged. So far the focus has been on their remittances. There is now need to pay greater attention to the skills and bridgeing role they can play.
- Massive natural resources (e.g. Africa has 22% of the world’s arable land, 7% of the world’s proven oil reserves, 6% of recoverable coal deposits and ample solar radiation, from the Sahel to the Kalahari, waiting to be tapped).
- Growth of market economy and sense of entrepreneurship, with a flourishing informal sector.
- Cyberspace is giving birth to a revolution among the young people in Africa. Groups and movements are being established through Facebook and blogs where young people in Africa are uniting and beginning to discuss the future of their respective countries and what needs to be done.
- Increased media freedom in Africa which has seen African media beginning to undertake critical evaluation of governments and their priorities in Africa.
- Increasing application of internal/local conflict resolution mechanisms in African societies that are experiencing conflicts for example the use of gacaca courts in Rwanda.
- Citizen agency and independent monitoring and feedback are regaining currency.
- Push for the indivisibility of MDGs and reneging on existing targets as outrageous; MDGs are already the floor, not the ceiling. It is impossible to target any lower without seriously undermining people’s rights.
- Give full support to the AU/NEPAD Plan of Action as a comprehensive list of the key sector priorities to put Africa on the path to rapid development. This calls for increased investment from multiple sources including aid, south-south cooperation and domestic resource mobilisation. However, this tacit support must come with a caveat that technical solutions, by themselves are necessary, but not sufficient for the realisation of both the Plan and the MDGs. The Plan should include a strategy for making it fully owned and driven by the African people and their social movements and civic associations.
- Basic service provision is a core function of the state. It has a duty to take from the rich and invest in services for the poor. Leaders should derive legitimacy from their ability to provide basic services/public goods such as education. Citizens have to hold governments accountable to their core service delivery functions.
- Citizens and their associations should redefine alliances to bring on board national assemblies, local governments and professional associations, academia and think tanks and elements of the international community such as philanthropic foundations and International NGOs. These should be engaged to find ways to more effectively support local development and to make governments focus on delivery of services to the poor. Civil society must devise strategies to penetrate African governance structures (at local, national, regional and continental levels) to make them work better for the people.
- The proliferation of IT, which supports near-instant citizen participation, must be exploited for effective civic mobilisation. Now, more than ever before, the need to build societal capacity where individuals and communities engage the state and provide independent feedback is critical. A strong civil society is vital for the realisation of Africa’s developmental aspirations encapsulated in such interventions as the MDGs and the AU/NEPAD Plan of Action. Conversely, weak civic engagement is detrimental to the realisation of both.
- It is difficult to bridge gaps and form alliances, when within government ministries people don’t talk to each other, as they are fighting for funding. There needs to be unity of government/renewal of public administration.
- All African governments should have long term National Development Plans and consistent policies which emphasise the creation of employment and value addition of raw materials and delivery of basic services.
- Donors should honor their commitments to Africa. They should also abide by the principles of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness.
- Remove barriers to travel for African nationals across the continent. How can we speak with an African voice, when it is so difficult to travel to one another’s countries?
- Lastly Africa suffers from too much diagnosis. It is important to stop the diagnosis. A lot has already been done in Africa. The action is where the problem lies. Africans need to rethink their strategies for moving forward.
Frequently Asked Questions
Why this consultation?
2010 marks an important year for Africa. Most key commitments for the continent’s development expire in 2010, including the Gleneagles commitments to double aid by 2010, the EU-Africa partnership which includes commitments to increase aid to developing countries including Africa, and the 2010 targets for making aid effective as contained in the Paris Declaration. In addition, 2010 marks 5 years before the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) targets are supposed to be fulfilled, with a special United Nations Summit on the MDGs to be held from 20-22 September 2010 in New York. Also significant is that the African Union/NEPAD African Action Plan (AAP) 2010-2015 has been adopted as the defining statement of Africa’s current priority programmes and projects related to the promotion of regional and continental integration.
Against this background, it is important that African citizens and stakeholders review the progress made with the above initiatives in recent years. We must inform the vision and activities to be implemented in support of Africa’s future development in coming years, and develop a set of priorities for engagement and advocacy towards building a redefined relationship between African countries and the international community.
Who is driving this consultation?
African Monitor, a Pan-African body monitoring development funding commitments to Africa and facilitating the involvement of African voices in the development agenda, and a number of partners, including ONE and the Southern Africa Trust, are facilitating a series of face-to-face and e-consultations across the continent to develop a citizen-driven agenda for Africa in the second decade of the 21st century.
Face-to-face consultations will be held at regional level to bring together a cross section of stakeholders from as many of the countries in that region as possible. Participants will include African civil society formations such as NGOs, faith-based organisations, organised labour, professional associations, community-based organisations, the media, youth and women representatives; government officials; private sector, entrepreneurs and the informal sector, and ordinary citizens. Each country will then be expected to undertake further dissemination and popularisation activities to create a ‘buzz’ effect about the African Agenda 2010 and beyond.
Why an e-consultation?
Realising how limiting physical consultations are, it is critical that an e-consultation is undertaken to poll a broad cross section of African citizens, particularly young people, on these issues.Through the e-consultation process, referred to as #AfricanAgenda2010, mass input and collaboration will be leveraged. All in all, a total of over 10 000 people will make their input. The e-consultation will be a useful tool to solicit people’s perspectives on what they think are the key emerging priorities for Africa. This exercise will identify trends and common issues or priorities in a timely manner and, together with the physical consultations, will also explore emerging issues in greater depth.
The #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation is open to all African citizens, including in the Diaspora.
The #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation is coordinated by the Southern African NGO Network (SANGONeT).
Who should participate in the #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation?
What is the timeline?
The #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation runs from Wednesday, 28 April 2010, to the end of June 2010.
To complete the #AfricanAgenda2010 Survey, click here.
Will I receive feedback?
Summaries of responses generated during the face-to-face and e-consultations will be published on the #AfricaAgenda2010 website on an ongoing basis. The final report on the overall project will also be published on the website.
Can I comment on the results?
You are welcome to comment on any responses generated during the face-to-face and e-consultations.
How can I help?
You can contribute to the #AfricanAgenda2010 e-consultation in three ways:
- Complete the survey;
- Comment on any responses generated during the face-to-face and e-consultations;
- Assist us in raising awareness about the e-consultation process and encourage others also to participate.
Submit your comments here.
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