inequality
inequality
Urban Income Inequality on the Increase
The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) says that global income inequality increased significantly due to the 2008 economic recession.
In its report ‘Divided We Stand: why income inequality keep Rising’, the organisation says argues that despite robust economic growth since the recession, most emerging markets - including South Africa - have failed to reduce inequality.
The report further warns that the gap between rich and poor in OECD countries is at its highest level in more than 30 years, adding that the richest 10 percent now earned nine times more than the poorest 10 percent.
To read the article titled, “Urban income inequality soars,” click here.Source:Business DayLet’s Do it! South Africa’s Vision for 2030
The recently released draft of the National Development Plan is the first step in charting a new course to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality. There’s justification for planning the future of a developing state and this plan, with its warts and imperfections, is long overdue.
There’s an old proverb; ‘He who fails to plan, plans to fail’ and a business maxim ‘ailing to plan is planning to fail’ and there’s also a military adage of 7 Ps.
In a sense this is a morale booster and coincides with the announcement of Table Mountain becoming one of the world’s new seven wonders. It’s a great vision and a big plan.
It is also a welcome diversion from depressing stuff and media overkill on corrupt police commissioners, the Arms Deal, bogus charities getting money from the lottery and suspension of African National Congress Youth League leaders.
The Vision for 2030 will work through the fortitude of the people not through politicians - it needs the might of civil society structures and the private sector to transform idealism to realism. The document sparks imagination and upholds what this country has become and will remain; a land of possibilities.
It is a multi pronged strategy inter-linked with a broad vision to tackle unemployment, economic growth, rural development, public-service reform, labour reforms and the transition to a low-carbon economy. Over 444 pages inspire hope with a Vision Statement that flows so well that it must have been composed by poets.
Some Doubting Thomas’ had their say before the front page of the report had time to dry. Opposition parties have declared it airy-fairy and say for it to work it needs strong leadership that currently isn’t apparent, such criticism is predictable.
The plan or fairy tale as Professor Jonathan Jansen implied in his weekly column of The Times, is “lofty and lacks a theory of action”. It’s true, there are innumerable gaps and it requires emphasis on the partners or stakeholders for implementation, there again it is a work in progress and we have three months to digest the content and forward suggestions and ideas to the National Planning Committee.
The National Planning Commission, chaired by Trevor Manuel, his deputy Cyril Ramaphosa and 25 sage advisors is an office in the Presidency tasked with envisioning the future. The NPC has spent the past 18 months plotting and deliberating a rosier destination for South Africa with input from thousands of individuals. It will be a hard sell to gain support from the citizenry yet now’s the time for the nonprofit sector to embrace aspects of the NDP as their own, contribute towards the goals and action plans, be a partner, share ideas and propose solutions to make it a reality.
So let’s do it by downloading the plan from www.npconline.co.za. Scan the contents page, peruse the Foreword (worth a read) jump to page 41 and checkout that romantic vision statement, then quickly dash to the Problem Statement on page 411 and then read the Nation Building Vision on page 426, lastly cast your eye over the Bill of Responsibilities on page 435 and then return to the Chapters to dissect and digest.
In 1976, just after the Soweto Riots life was uncertain, the demise of apartheid seemed unattainable, there were predictions of a blood bath, and our lovely country was close to being razed to the ground. Exactly 18 years after the Youth uprising we held our first democratic elections in 1994, so why shouldn’t we defeat poverty and inequality by 2030 – it’s only 18 years away, have faith as we live in the land of endless possibilities.
- Ann Bown is a financial sustainability consultant to the nonprofit sector and consults widely in Africa.Author(s):Ann BownMen Still Earn Bigger Salaries – World Bank
A study by the World Bank has revealed that while women far outnumber men in universities, men still earn bigger salaries than their female counterparts.
The World Bank's 2012 report on gender equality and development, which was released in Johannesburg over the weekend, shows that the world is still struggling with certain gender issues.
The study involved 90 countries, including South Africa, and looked at how gender equality evolves among developing countries and developed ones.
To read the article titled, “Men still earn bigger salaries,” click here.Source:SowetanNationalisation is Not the Path to Justice for All
For the first 19 years of its existence, the Free Market Foundation (FMF) argued, cajoled and pleaded for the total dismantling of the apartheid system and the establishment of true democracy in South Africa, with universal suffrage and a constitution that would highlight the principle of limited government, so as to protect the people from ever again being the victims of the pernicious policies of arbitrary government, such as the discriminatory laws that deprived people of their rights because of the colour of their skins.
It is consequently with great sadness that we find ourselves addressing a proposal to nationalise the mines, a proposal which invokes racialism and calls for some of the most important aspects of the Constitution to be tampered with in pursuit of an economically unsound political objective. South Africans are fundamentally sensible people and we are convinced that good sense will prevail.
The FMF is committed to contesting the doctrines held by those who propose nationalisation in SA. While we focus upon the debate surrounding nationalisation in SA itself, the arguments the FMF presents have a global relevance and resonance and are backed up by sound historical and empirical evidence that brings into question the morality of the underlying doctrines, as well as their practicality.
We have to ask ourselves how this proposed law, regulation or policy is likely to affect the ordinary people of our country, especially the young, old, poor, unemployed, or otherwise vulnerable. In the FMF, the question of justice for all is always at the back of our minds, whatever issue we may be trying to address. We believe that no measure, no matter how well-intentioned, can be good for the nation in general if it threatens to bring about negative consequences in the longer term for the vulnerable members of society.
Proposed policies, whatever they are, have to be very carefully considered because, as Nationalisation, our recently published study reveals, the long-term negative consequences of a proposed law, regulation or policy are not always immediately apparent and are very difficult to reverse. There is a perpetual struggle between imposed ideology and the spontaneous order of free markets and economic freedom.
In Nationalisation, FMF executive director, Leon Louw, interrogates the reasons why the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) wants to nationalise mines and other businesses and carries out a thorough and objective analysis of the Freedom Charter and its intentions; an examination not only of the wording of the Charter itself, but also the comments and explanations of the senior members of the ANC who were involved in its drafting.
Louw’s conclusions are surprising and, some might believe, controversial. His unprecedented, rational and dispassionate evaluation will perhaps encourage those who maintain that the Freedom Charter is sacrosanct and therefore should not be subjected to rigorous scrutiny, to revisit the logic and importance of intellectual discourse and its contribution to the intellectual nourishment of society at large.
United States-based Professor Richard Grant discusses why privatisation appears to be the most likely eventual outcome of nationalisation, and why so many countries have privatised their state-owned enterprises. The idea of nationalising natural resource industries, he suggests, appears attractive because of an illusion that minerals are just lying around waiting to be picked up, which ignores the demanding and costly processes required to extract, process and market resources, and the specialised skills required in every aspect of the industry. But why is it that as state ownership expands, efficiency throughout the economy decreases?
Alternative policies can be utilised to address poverty and unemployment. True empowerment, FMF director Eustace Davie argues, could be achieved by transferring the accumulated state-owned assets, such as public enterprises and state-owned housing and land, to the people at no cost. Hernando de Soto described state-owned assets as ‘dead capital’. Turning the assets into ‘live capital’ in the hands of people would alleviate poverty and empower the people in both urban and rural areas. ‘Denationalising people’ can empower the long-term unemployed by giving them the legal right to contract feely with employers of their choice in a manner that will not threaten the job security of the already employed.
According to economist, Jasson Urbach, many of the problems only become glaringly obvious when state-owned enterprises are privatised, as happened when the United Kingdom (UK) privatised its state enterprises, starting in 1979. Former state monopoly industries complained that they suffered from political interference and were denied much-needed capital. Their managers did not have proper management authority and their workforces were demotivated. Industrial relations were politicised and the industries provided poor services and charged excessive prices to the public. UK privatisation solved many of these problems, principally by introducing competition to improve access to capital and improve service to customers.
Zambia, Venezuela, Bolivia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Chile and Ghana all had negative results from nationalisation, while the public-private mining partnership in Botswana reveals that even this seemingly sound arrangement has led to excessive government spending.
Economist, Vivian Atud, has found that black South Africans have made significant progress since 1994. Freed from the strictures of apartheid, blacks have made progress in most aspects of the economy. They now dominate the public service, comprising 70 percent of the public workforce compared to 42 percent in 1994. Though institutions such as pension and retirement funds, unit trusts, and investment companies are owned by a diversity of races, her analysis shows that black ownership has advanced significantly, as it has in residential housing. Blacks own, directly and indirectly, a substantial share of mining companies, which they would lose if all the mines were to be nationalised.
An increase in the extent to which government takes control of economic resources, whether through taxation or nationalisation, reduces consumer sovereignty. Researchers are constantly discovering new correlations between economic freedom and human welfare. The Economic Freedom of the World: 2010 Annual Report, for instance, describes research which reveals that unemployment can be reduced by increasing economic freedom, and that increased economic freedom results in fewer homicides while reduced economic freedom leads to more. In other words, there is a correlation between economic freedom and overall socio-economic progress in terms of all aspects of human development.
Nationalisation does not only analyse and evaluate the issue of nationalisation but also propounds very credible and pragmatic alternatives which, if implemented, would allow the spirit of enterprise to explode and create a rising tide of economic opportunities. The display of courage required to implement some or all of the proposed policies will reveal the difference between the statesman of vision and the short-sighted politician.
- Temba A Nolutshungu is director of the Free Market Foundation (FMF). This article first appeared on the FMF website. It is republished here with the permission of FMF.Author(s):Temba A NolutshunguNationalisation: Will ANC Researchers Take Note of the Experience of their African Brethren?
According to a recent IOL news piece, “Zambia’s Banda says copper windfall tax is ‘bad business’", Zambian President Rupiah Banda has “ruled out windfall taxes for mining companies enjoying record copper prices, saying that changing the rules for foreign investors was plain bad business”. South African authorities can take a leaf out of Banda’s book by rejecting out-of-hand the ludicrous proposals to nationalise SA mines, as opposed to drawing out the process by dispatching a task team to determine nationalisation’s viability.
The uncertainty created by drawing out this process is no doubt deterring investment as mining companies sit in limbo waiting to discover their future. Zambia is well aware of the consequences of interfering in the market by changing the rules of the game. After gaining independence in the 1960s the Zambian government thought that by controlling the copper companies they would be able to achieve their developmental goals with the revenues derived from mining operations. However, when the world price of copper dropped unexpectedly in the mid 1970s, it put the fiscus under immense pressure and Zambia was plunged into debt as the government attempted to sustain the now unprofitable mining operations.
The government was forced to make some painful decisions, the cost of which ultimately came at the expense of development in other sectors of the economy. As a consequence of the disastrous mine nationalisation policy, Zambia went from one of sub-Saharan Africa’s most prosperous nations to one of its poorest within a matter of decades. After privatising operations in 2000, Zambian copper output has made steady progress but has only recently recovered to output levels last seen when the sector was nationalised in the late 1960s.
Ghana nationalised its mining sector in the early 1960s with the objective of “maximising government revenue... and employment generation”. Instead, the industry experienced a dramatic decline following nationalisation, with gold production falling from 915 317 ounces in 1960 to 282 299 ounces by 1984. The reasons given by the World Bank for the decline were a “lack of foreign exchange to maintain and rehabilitate the mines; lack of capital investment for mining skills; infrastructure deterioration, particularly shortages of rail capacity for manganese and bauxite; mining company financial problems due to the greatly over-valued currency and spiralling inflation; a declining grade of gold ore; the exhaustion of high grade manganese ore; the depletion of the more lucrative diamond mines in many areas; high absenteeism and low worker discipline; and pilfering, illegal panning and smuggling of gold and diamonds”.
In 1983, Ghana introduced its “Economic Recovery Plan” (ERP), which implemented radical mine privatisation. At the time of the launch of ERP, gold production had fallen to 285 291 ounces. A dramatic improvement followed in the gold mining sector and rapid growth in annual gold production. After a mere 12 years, the privatised mines increased output from about 300 000 tons to approximately 2.5 million tons, an increase of over 700 percent. In contrast, when mining operations were held in the hands of government, output declined steadily over a period of 29 years, from about 750 000 tons to about 280 000 tons.
Ghana’s gold production increased to 2.9 million ounces in 2009. Since privatisation, the annual gold production in Ghana has increased more than 10 times over the last 27 years, and revenue reached US$2.8 billion. As a country, Ghana has benefited from the improvement in its mining situation. According to the United States Geological Survey, “The contribution of Ghana’s mining sector to the country’s gross domestic product increased from 1.3 percent in 1991 to an average of about five percent in recent years. Export earnings from minerals averaged 35 percent, and the sector was one of the largest contributors to Government revenues through the payment of mineral royalties, employee income taxes, and corporate taxes”. Growth in the mining sector also contributed substantially to a rise in per capita GDP (measured on a ppp basis in 2009 dollars), which increased from US$449 in 1983 to US$1 571 in 2009.
Attempts at nationalisation reveal that whenever government involves itself with business, it unleashes a conflicting mix of social and efficiency objectives. To justify nationalisation, governments invariably make a raft of promises to voters but when faced with difficult but necessary decisions, often driven by changes internationally, they default on those promises. These promises do not come without their consequences and invariably inflict substantial damage on the domestic economy.
Nationalisation of private businesses is more perplexing because, in all cases, the government receives significant revenues from private companies without carrying any of the risks involved in operating a business.
- Jasson Urbach is an economist with the Free Market Foundation. The views expressed in the article are the author’s and are not necessarily shared by the members of the Free Market Foundation.Author(s):Jasson UrbachMultinationals Blamed for Africa’s Rising Poverty
Non-governmental organisation, African Ascension, says that multinational corporations are taking advantage of Africa’s fragile economies in the name of ‘investing’ to exploit the poor.
African Ascension president, Joe Beasley, told the 23rd governing session of United Nations Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) in Nairobi that African governments need to be wary of international business companies out to exploit them.
"There is social distress in Africa and in Kenya, to be precise, because of the inequalities and economic injustices being meted out on the poor and marginalised by multinational companies,” explained Beasley.
To read the article titled, “Global trade deals blamed for Africa’s rising poverty,” click here.Source:The CitizenSA Philanthropists Motivated by ‘Ubuntu’ – Report
Wealthy South Africans are among the world’s most generous philanthropists, motivated by a sense of ‘ubuntu’ and the fact that the country is one of the world’s most unequal societies, according to an ABSA report.
‘Global Giving: The Culture of Philanthropy’ notes that the country is the second-most charitable country, behind the United States.
The report ranks SA fourth, with Ireland and India joining first, in giving up time to help the less fortunate. It also finds that SA along with the US, Ireland and India, lead the way as countries that donate significant amounts of money and time to charitable causes.
To read the article titled, “Rich South Africans are champion givers,” click here.Source:Business DayThe Inequality Scandal: A Source of Collective Shame and Anxiety
Buffalo City (East London), Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni (East Rand) are the most unequal cities in the world, based on data gathered in a UN-Habitat survey of 109 countries from all regions of the world. These cities had income-based Gini coefficients of 0.71 or more. The Gini index is a widely used measure for the distribution of household income or consumption spending in a country. A zero value implies perfect equality with resources distributed proportionally amongst all households, while 1 signifies perfect inequality, where one household has all of the area’s income and no one else has any. In other words, the lower the Gini coefficient is, the more equal the society.
The most egalitarian cities in the world are located in Western Europe with cities in Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands and Slovenia having Gini coefficients below 0.25. Beijing, the capital of China, is the most equal city in the world with a Gini coefficient of 0.22. The international alert line, above which cities and countries need to start being concerned, is a Gini coefficient of 0.4.
We should be ashamed. There should be outcry at such scandalous statistics. But what publicity does this information get in East London? A small article printed in the local GO-express community newspaper. There was no debate about what needs to be done.
Inequality must not be confused with poverty. There are two measures for poverty: absolute poverty that measures how poor someone is measured against a benchmark, like a dollar a day; and then there is relative poverty that compares how poor someone is relative to someone else or another group. Inequality is similar to relative poverty in that it measures differences in wealth between people or groups.
Inequality comes in many forms, from economic inequality (that compares the income of those that have money or wealth with those that don’t) to consumption inequality (that compares those that spend lots on money on consumption expenditure with those that don’t), land inequality (comparing those that have with those that don’t have land), services inequality (comparing those with access to water and sanitation services, etc. with those that don’t) to even inequality in power distribution (comparing those that have access to political power with those that don’t).
It is an obvious statement, but it needs to be made: income or wealth inequality has two sides to it, those in the top income bracket and those in the bottom income bracket. When most people discuss and try to find solutions to inequality, they focus on the bottom aspect of inequality - the poor. Very few look at the top - the rich.
Most people this writer has spoken to feel that poverty is the main issue that needs to be addressed and that inequality is just a by-product or outcome of poverty. But the reality is that inequality affects us all. Addressing inequality is not just about improving the lives of those at the bottom. It is about addressing wealth distribution from the poor to the rich.
Wilkinson and Pickard (2009), in their book ‘The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better’, have drawn some interesting conclusions in relation to the effect of inequality on society. They report that across whole populations, meaning populations of countries and regions that include both rich and poor, in more equal societies, compared to inequitable societies:
- People live longer, a smaller proportion of children die in infancy and self-rated health is better;
- People are far less likely to experience mental illness;
- People are less likely to use illegal drugs;
- Children do better at school;
- A lower proportion of the population is imprisoned;
- Obesity is less common;
- There is more social mobility. People may move up or down the social ladder within their lifetime or from one generation to the next;
- Communities are more cohesive and people trust each other more;
- Homicide rates are lower and children experience less violence;
- Teenage motherhood is less common;
- The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) measures of child well-being are better.
Space prevents me from going into detail about what can and needs to be done to address inequality. I will just make two suggestions.
The first is that all people, rich and poor, but especially the rich, need to be made aware of the effects of inequality on society at large. Small activities can make a big difference, like organising study visits for the rich living in suburbs to our townships, informal settlements, and rural areas to see for themselves the gap that exists; or forming twinning arrangements between rich schools and poor schools, so the grown-ups of tomorrow can start to appreciate the need to work on inequality now.
The other suggestion is that debates about what needs to be done to address inequality needs to be significantly increased. All stakeholders from municipalities, government departments, civil society organisations, academia to the media can play a role in this regard. Focused debates must be initiated to ensure that we devise ways and means of combating the worsening levels of inequality - even if for purely self-serving reasons on the part of the well-off.
- Ronald Eglin is senior projects coordinator at Afesis-corplan, a NGO contributing to community-driven development and good local governance in the Border-Kei in the Eastern Cape. This article first appeared in the August/September 2010 edition of Transformer. It is republished here with the permission of Afesis-corplan.
References
- UN Habitat. State of World Cities 2010/2011: bridging the urban divide. Also found at http://www.unhabitat.org/documents/SOWC10/R8.pdf
- http://www.citymayors.com/habitat/habitat08-equality.html
- Wilkinson, R., and Pickard, K., 2009. “The Spirit Level: why more equal societies almost always do better” (see also http://www.equalitytrust.org.uk)
Buy a Burger, Buy Sex: South African Media Representations of Women
When one considers the advertising industry, the consistent use of sexualised images of women is a very obvious phenomenon. It is not uncommon to see highly sexualised images of women advertising anything from cars, clothing and mobile phones, to furniture, food and a whole host of other products and services that somehow ‘benefit’ from an association – no matter how mismatched – with a ‘sexy’ woman. Such images enjoy high currency, which means that their negative effects on women are considered less important than the voyeuristic appeal a scantily dressed or naked woman lends to a product.
This paper briefly discusses how some representations of women in the South African advertising media conform to and perpetuate dominant gender and sexuality discourses, which objectify women and diminish their dignity. It is argued that the use of women’s bodies as ‘hooks’ to draw in consumers represents broader societal perceptions of women that allow and encourage the sexual objectification of women to be reduced to the near mundane; an ‘ordinary’ part of selling. Finally, the implications of the sexualised public space for women are discussed.
Trends and recent interventions
The advertising industry’s reliance on objectification of women and sexually suggestive messages is a worldwide phenomenon. Researchers like LaTour & Henthorne, as well as many others, have found that the use of sexual appeals in print advertising is often not well received by consumers, although these studies were not conducted in South Africa and they do note that such ads may produce potentially negative side effects, including sexual obsession and gratuitous sex.(2) Regardless of consumer considerations, sexualised images of women remain popular in South African advertising.
In South Africa, the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) has been instrumental in tabling and banning offensive adverts. In 2009, ASA banned a Sexpo advertisement for objectifying women. The advertisement depicted a pair of a woman’s legs with underwear being naughtily removed. The ASA directorate ruled that the manner in which the woman was depicted “perpetuates the thought that she is an object of lust or desire, which reduces her to a sexual object.”(3) The organiser of the advertising campaigns, Silas Howarth, expressed surprise at the ruling and argued that the advertisement was “the most tasteful campaign yet.” He further argued that the advert was put together in light of a recent sex survey that revealed that the majority of South Africans were naughty at heart.(4) This reveals the advertiser’s failure to appreciate the problematic way in which his advert portrayed women. The claim that the advert was merely delivering a ‘naughty’ message to an already ‘naughty’ public cleverly ignores the idea that media images are in fact responsible for the creation and maintenance of markets for sexualised images. It reveals the ignorance and/or apathy of advertisers about the realities they shape. Sex may sell, but the media has the power to change this. Considering the indirect yet pervasive consequences of sexualised advertising on women, advertisers should stop taking the easy road, namely using women’s bodies and suggestive text to market products. Surely they are able to appeal to their consumers’ many other facets?
In 2008, fast food franchise Steers made a television TV commercial that visually compared highly sexualised images of women with sizzling hamburgers, presented as a ‘TV experiment’ about where men’s eyes would linger longest.(5) Some critics argued that this advert perpetuated the negative stereotype that women are only valued for their bodies. “You could argue that they [women] are portrayed as ‘meat for sale’, whether this was the intention of the advertisement or not, it still communicates this message.”(6) This particular advertisement provides a typical example of the use of sexualised images of women to market any product of choice, no matter how mismatched the union. Visual images can easily be manipulated to carry sexual connotations. For example, a 2004 DSTV billboard advertisement that portrayed two fried eggs in a bikini top was banned as offensive because it objectified and exploited the female body. It was argued that the billboard’s message implied that women’s breasts were consumable food.(7) Some adverts are problematic even when they do not contain sexualised images of women. Internationally, another fast food chain, Burger King, has repeatedly offended women with the sexual innuendos that characterise their advertisements.
The wide reach of advertising is a concern. Of course advertising is all about being seen and heard, so advertisers aim for the most strategic media and locations. If the creative minds behind the advertisements insist on demeaning women and portraying them in sexualised and derogatory roles, these attitudes are ‘sold’ with the main product. Such sexualisation of public space ensures that people who would not normally access pornography and related material now only need to walk on a street, turn on the TV or pick up a magazine to encounter images that pass for mild forms of pornography, or at least give graphic clues to its existence. It could be argued that the marketing of sexualised images of women is a way of skipping the bottlenecks to easily mainstream pornography.
In September 2009, infamous adult entertainment club Teazers sparked controversy with a billboard that depicted a highly sexualised image of a woman. The woman was pictured naked, lying on her back, her left arm partly covering her breasts and her knees bent.(8) The image elicited controversy and so did the accompanying text: “No need for gender testing!” This phrase openly ridiculed athlete, Caster Semenya, who had been at the centre of an internationally publicised controversy shortly before the Teazers advertisement was released. Semenya was humiliated when athletic authorities denied her international victory and subjected her to tests to prove her sex as female, known as ‘gender tests’.
Club owner, Lolly Jackson, recently deceased, denied any link to the athlete and insisted it was a mere coincidence. He then attacked the citizen who lodged a complaint with ASA against the advertisement and the ASA directorate, calling them “a bunch of idiots doing a worthless job.” Jackson expressed outrage at the complainant. "Some religious freak complained, only a religious fool would complain about that. Maybe the woman who complained should lose a bit of weight and her husband will then stop looking at the Teazers billboard, maybe she is fat and ugly. I don't give a s**t about her moral issues. I am sick and tired of bloody women who have nothing to do but look at Teazers billboards and complain. There are a lot more serious things that are happening in the country like corruption, crime and all that than complain about a billboard...It is a nice advert and the woman is a wonderful specimen of a lady. I wish there were a lot more in Sandton looking like her."(9)
In addition to Teazer’s highly inappropriate and cruel capitalisation of Semenya’s humiliation, the advertiser obviously failed to see beyond women’s physical attributes. Jackson and his advertising agency even reduced the complainant’s concerns to a matter of physical appearance by suggesting that her (assumed) probable physical ‘inadequacy’ was the real reason she was complaining. The idea that women cannot be concerned about anything more than physical appearance is a derogatory assumption, if not outrageous. The overall response was also deeply sexist and openly glorified the objectification of women, yet no more could have been expected of Jackson. After his murder in May, Errol Naidoo, Director of the Family Policy Institute, said that “the death of Lolly Jackson offers a respite from the sexual exploitation of women and girls in South Africa."(10)
In these and other cases, the focus fell on the acceptability or the offensiveness of the advertisements, yet what should really be problematised is the reality of the commoditisation of women’s sexuality. Indeed, female sexuality has become so commodified, so ‘normal’, that its presence in everyday marketing is hardly ever questioned, yet its consequences are tangible in women’s lives.
Why it matters
The media play an important role in how knowledge is produced and lived. They constitute the collective locus where prevailing discourses are created, inscribed, repeated and normalised.(11) It follows that if women are assigned problematic roles such as sex objects, room is actively created for a variety of negative perceptions to flourish. The need to interrogate what the media choose to portray as ‘normal’, therefore, draws on concerns that such portrayals can become acceptable ways of life. Challenging media portrayals “Is about the media’s power to create and sustain meanings; to persuade, endorse and reinforce.”(12) According to Jean Boddewyn, it is hard to control media portrayals of women because of the heterogeneous nature of advertisements and the flux of norms bearing on sex and decency in advertising.(13) The point remains, however, that media agencies need to take responsibility for the power they have and how they choose to yield it.
While it may not be possible to measure the full extent of the impact of gendered and sexualised images in the media, their implications remain real and far-reaching. Media representations are never immaterial: they have potentially real and material effects on the affected groups,(14) in this case women. One potential effect of the sexual objectification of women is that it supports sexual violence against women. It is the porno-capitalist logic inherent in the fact that sex sells that allows advertisers to normalise and glamorise what is essentially the sexual exploitation of women, for the benefit of men and the capitalist project. Much pornographic focus falls on male dominance and female submissiveness, a form of social oppression of women,(15) regardless of whether the woman in question ‘wants’ to be submissive or not. The concept renders women targets of potential sexual violence. “Pornography reduces women to sexual objects which leads to violence against them and also to a pervasive pattern of social disadvantage both privately and publicly,”(16) argues Owen Fiss in his acclaimed book, The Irony of Free Speech.
Sexualised images of women in advertising media contribute to the negative stereotype of women being ‘more looks than brains’ because their bodies are emphasised, but other personality aspects like emotions and critical thinking are conveniently ignored. Sexualised media images suggest certain gender roles for girls and women. Women are often portrayed as sex objects whose sole function is to satisfy public voyeuristic tendencies. This is an assault on women’s dignity. The media’s continuous and sadly, profitable, portrayal of women as single-minded sexualised beings strongly contradicts South Africa’s discursive and legislative promotion of gender equality through affirmative action and activism. It contradicts the South African Constitution which promotes non-sexism in the Equality Act.
These advertising trends also have serious effects on youth. A recent study by the American Psychological Association (APA) revealed that it takes only 15 minutes of exposure to video clips that objectify women to make female audience members feel more conscious and depressed about their bodies since they cannot meet the idealised ‘beauty’ marketed as normal.(17) It also revealed that teenage girls frequently exposed to such content are more likely to start viewing themselves as sex objects. Alarmingly, boys frequently exposed to such content are likely to shape their attitudes towards women and girls accordingly.(18)
Advertising that promotes the objectification of women is especially problematic in a country like South Africa, which boasts some of the highest rape statistics in the world. 54 926 cases were reported in 2006 alone. This figure does not include the estimated 450 000 rape cases that went unreported.(19) The lack of respect for women that leads to rampant violence against them is fed by media tendencies to portray women in sexually demeaning ways. There is a serious need to prioritise and regulate the interrogation of media messages, so that whatever power they have to create and sustain meanings is not wielded at the expense of women and girls. Sex sells, but many other things do, too.
Women, violence and control over advertising
The sexualised images that feature prominently in South African advertising media reinforce negative stereotypes. Accordingly, it is easy for many men to regard women’s bodies as products to be acquired or ‘things’ men are entitled access to. With rape statistics as high as South Africa’s, any portrayals that glamorise the sexual objectification of women should be discouraged with the resolve and seriousness they demand. Any efforts to counter rape need to take account of what the media are promoting as normal. The construction of women as sexual objects and society’s acceptance of such attitudes are key to the rampant sexual violence South African women experience every day.
Despite the existence of two research organisations, the South African Advertising Research Foundation (SAARF) and the South African Marketing Research Association (SAMRA), advertising agencies and their clients are still able to conceptualise, design and release advertisements that appeal to consumers based on the idea of sexualised, objectified women. Activists should lobby for a nationally recognised advertising research agenda that could serve to regulate the ideas of advertising companies and their clients. This objective may not be easy to execute, but women cannot wait for the capitalist endeavour to develop a social consciousness towards them. Capitalists still burn coal and other natural resources at an alarming rate, despite all the dooming evidence of global warming and its consequences. Why would advertisers and their clients suddenly be more considerate to women, sexism and sexual violence? This is an issue that South African women need to take charge of, or else little is going to change.
- Lwanga Mwilu is an external consultant in Consultancy Africa Intelligence’s Gender Issues Unit (gender.issues@consultancyafrica.com). The June edition of the Gender Issues Newsletter is republished here with permission from Consultancy Africa Intelligence (CAI), a South African-based research and strategy firm with a focus on social, health, political and economic trends and developments in Africa. For more information, see http://www.consultancyafrica.com or http://www.ngopulse.org/press-release/consultancy-africa-intelligence. Alternatively, click here to take advantage of CAI’s free, no obligation, 1-month trial to the company’s Standard Report Series.
In addition to topical discussion papers and tailored research services, CAI releases a number of fortnightly and monthly publications, examining the latest developments in Africa, across a wide range of interest areas. Interested parties can click here to take advantage of CAI’s free, no obligation, 1-month trial to any/all of the CAI publications.
For more information, see http://www.consultancyafrica.com or http://www.ngopulse.org/press-release/consultancy-africa-intelligence.
Notes:(1) Lwanga Mwilu is an External Consultant in Consultancy Africa Intelligence’s Gender Issues Unit (gender.issues@consultancyafrica.com).
(2) La Tour, M. S. & Henthorne, T. L. 1994. 'Ethical judgements of sexual appeals in print advertising.' in Journal of Advertising, Vol XXIII(3):81-90.
(3) Hiller, M. ‘What really is for sale?’ The Media Magazine, 1 November 2009, http://www.themediaonline.co.za.
(4) ‘Sexpo’s racy ads banned’, Sapa, 21 September 2009, http://www.news24.com.
(5) See the advertisement at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4BC4ZiKgv_M.
(6) ‘Sexpo’s racy ads banned’, Sapa, 21 September 2009, http://www.news24.com.
(7) Ibid.
(8) See the image at http://www.chrisrawlinson.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Teasers_thumb.jpg.
(9) Botho Molosankwe, ‘Offensive billboard creates a stir’, The Star, 29 September 2009, http://www.thestar.co.za.
(10) ‘Lolly death ‘inescapable’’, Sapa, 5 May 2010, http://news.iafrica.com.
(11) Prinsloo, J. 2003. 'Childish images: The gendered depiction of childhood in popular South African magazines.’ in Agenda, 56: 26-36.
(12) Silverstone, R. 1999. 'Why study the media?' London: Sage.
(13) Boddewyn, J. J., 'Sex and decency in advertising around the world.' in Journal of Advertising, Vol XX(4):25-35.
(14) TMedia Monitoring Africa. 2009. 'Reporting a diverse nation. Recorded radio conference series broadcast on SAfm in conjunction with the Open Society Foundation.' Audio CD accessed through Rhodes Journalism Review (29).
(15) ‘Do we need naked women to advertise sofas?’ Reproductive health matters. November 2005. http://findarticles.com.
(16) Fiss, M.O. 1996. 'The irony of free speech.' Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
(17) 'Report of the APA Task Force on the Sexualisation of Girls', APA, 2007, http://www.apa.org.
(18) Rishworth, A. ‘The sexualisation and objectification of young women and girls’, Australian Labor, 4 February 2010, http://www.alp.org.au.
(19) Rape statistics – South Africa and worldwide, 2010, http://www.rape.co.za.The Eradication of Female Genital Mutilation: A Collective Responsibility
In December 2009, human rights groups welcomed Ugandan legislators’ decision to endorse a proposed law banning female genital mutilation and cutting (FGM/C) (2). While this move is an important step toward ensuring the protection of women’s and girls’ rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is not enough to simply pass laws prohibiting the practice. FGM/C is outlawed in a number of African countries, but these laws are rarely enforced (3). Rights groups in Uganda therefore have welcomed the new legislation, but urged awareness campaigns to ensure that the practice genuinely stopped (4).
This CAI brief argues that the practice of FGM/C must be banned without exception and that Governments, above all, must ensure that laws prohibiting this practice are enforced. In addition, it emphasises that civil society has a responsibility not to ignore the practice when it occurs. This is necessary, not only to protect the health and dignity of women and girls but also to uphold the sanctity of the inalienable human rights of all people. Governments and communities cannot stop FGM/C with isolated efforts, however. To stop the practice, all relevant parties need to take collective responsibility for the damage it does to women and girls and work together in this important endeavour.
What is Female Genital Mutilation?
The World Health Organisation (WHO) defines FGM/C, also euphemistically referred to as female circumcision, as including “all procedures that intentionally alter or injure female genital organs for non-medical reasons.” (5) The procedure holds no scientific health benefits for girls and women, but is a culturally valued tradition that serves the needs of males. It harms victims in numerous ways, however, as it involves the removal and damage of healthy and normal female genital tissue, and interferes with the natural functions of girls' and women's bodies.
FGM/C has immediate complications which can include shock, haemorrhaging (bleeding), tetanus or sepsis (bacterial infection), urine retention, open sores in the genital region, injury to nearby genital tissue and even death (6). After surviving the ordeal, the girl or woman faces further possible health problems including recurrent bladder and urinary tract infections, cysts, infertility, an increased risk of childbirth complications and newborn deaths, and the need for later surgeries (7).
Besides these physical risks, FGM/C also causes severe psychological damage to many girls and women. The practice is extremely painful and traumatising and has been related to a range of psychological and psychosomatic disorders (8). Since the procedures are mostly carried out on young girls between infancy and age 15 (9), and occasionally on adult women, survivors may face a lifetime of complications.
A violation of human rights
The trauma endured by survivors of the practice is unacceptable and a matter of social concern. FGM/C violates the human rights of women and children as espoused by several international and regional human rights treaties. For example, Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the UN in 1948, proclaims the right of all human beings to live in conditions that enable them to enjoy good health and health care (10). In addition, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “No one shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment.” (11)
The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women’s (CEDAW) 45th Convention took place from 18 January to 5 February 2010. The committee was adopted in 1979 by the UN General Assembly and is often described as an international bill of rights for women. Consisting of a preamble and 30 articles, it defines what constitutes discrimination against women and sets up an agenda for national action to end such discrimination. The Convention defines discrimination against women as “...Any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field.” (12)The Convention is the only human rights treaty which affirms the reproductive rights of women and targets culture and tradition as influential forces shaping gender roles and family relations (13).
Article 19 of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child protects against all forms of mental and physical violence and maltreatment of children and article 24 requires States to take all effective and appropriate measures to abolish traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children (14).
Children furthermore have the right to make decisions on matters that affect them. Even when girls are in apparent agreement with the procedure, or have a desire to undergo the procedure, the decision cannot be considered free, informed or free of coercion as they are put under undue pressure and societal expectations to adhere to the cultural practices (15). Elders who favour FGM/C often claim that girls want to undergo the procedure while they conveniently ignore the fact that they themselves have socialised the girls to have this desire. FGM/C is therefore not just a practice that needs to be stopped, but in essence is the product of social norms that need to change.
FGM/C is thus recognised internationally as a violation of the human rights of girls and women. It reflects inherent inequality between the sexes, constitutes an extreme form of discrimination against women (16), and violates a person’s right to be free of torturous, inhumane or degrading treatment. It is nearly always carried out on minors and is a violation of the rights of children. The practice also violates a person's rights to health, security and physical integrity, the right to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and the right to life when the procedure results in death (17).
By allowing FGM/C to continue, those who turn a blind eye are allowing the human rights of women and children to be violated. If we allow those rights to be violated we set a dangerous precedent. If we are prepared to allow some of the fundamental human rights to be violated without consequence, we cannot expect that violations of other rights will not occur. The protection of human rights is every person’s responsibility, making the practice of FGM/C a matter of concern for the whole of society.
FGM/C continues
Despite the practice of FGM/C being in violation of women’s and girls’ fundamental human rights, it continues in many countries, particularly in Africa and the Middle East. Attitudes towards the centuries-old practice have started to change in countries like Egypt, Tanzania, Kenya and Senegal but it still persists in these countries and in at least 28 others on the African continent (18). An estimated 100 to 140 million girls and women worldwide are currently living with the consequences of FGM/C (19). In Africa an estimated 92 million girls from 10 years of age and above have undergone FGM/C (20) and about three million girls are at risk of FGM/C annually (21).
FGM/C persists because in many cultural traditions it is a social convention. It is often considered a necessary part of raising a girl properly; of preparing her for adulthood and marriage (22). It is considered in some cultures as a way to ensure virginity and to make a woman suitable for marriage (23). FGM/C is also associated with cultural ideals of femininity and modesty, which include the notion that girls are ‘clean’ and ‘beautiful’ after removal of body parts that are thought to be ‘male’ or ‘unclean’. (24) Low levels of education and poverty among women as well as inadequate Government support for eradicating the practice also contribute to the persistence of the practice in Africa (25).
It could be argued that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights protects a person’s right to “participate in the cultural life of their community,” thus allowing people the freedom to continue FGM/C as a cultural practice. However, the Declaration also states that in the practice of their rights and freedoms, everyone will be subject to limitations determined by law, for the purpose of “Securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.” (26) FGM/C clearly violates the recognition and respect of the rights of women and girls. Claims of cultural necessity should therefore not be evoked to justify the practice of FGM/C.
Most Governments in countries where FGM/C is practiced have ratified international conventions and declarations that make provisions for the promotion and protection of the health of women and girls. (27) Despite FGM/C being outlawed in a number of African countries, laws are rarely enforced (28). According to Faiza Mohamed, Africa Regional Director of the women’s rights group, Equality Now, “The struggle to have communities in Africa abandon FGM/C are taking too long because only civil society have taken it seriously. Governments are yet to take up the matter to the expected level (29).” This is the case despite several international conventions that not only prohibit FGM/C, but clearly and explicitly call for Governments to enforce the prohibition.
In 1999, CEDAW made a general recommendation that emphasises that certain cultural or traditional practices such as FGM/C carry a high risk of death and disability and recommends that State parties should ensure the enactment and effective enforcement of laws that prohibit FGM/C (30).The United Nations Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee (Third Committee of the General Assembly) has approved a resolution that requires States to implement national legislation and policies that prohibit traditional or customary practices affecting the health of women and girls, including FGM/C (31). It also calls for perpetrators of practices that negatively affect the health of women and girls to be prosecuted by the State.
The role of Governments and other leaders should not be limited to passing and enforcing laws that prohibit FGM/C. CEDAW made recommendations that State parties: collect and disseminate basic data on traditional practices; support relevant women's organisations at the national and local levels; encourage politicians, professionals, religious and community leaders to cooperate in influencing attitudes; introduce appropriate educational and training programmes; and include appropriate strategies aimed at eradication into national health policies (32).
Concluding remarks
FGM/C is a practice that not only leaves survivors with health problems and psychological scars but is also a gross violation of the human rights of women and children. Despite gains made toward eradicating the practice, including changing attitudes and the banning of FGM/C in several countries, the practice persists. While Governments who have ratified the various treaties outlawing FGM/C have a responsibility to enforce its prohibition, the eradication of the scourge of FGM/C is also the responsibility of society at large. Turning a blind eye to the practice allows the violations of human rights and threatens the sanctity of all these human rights. If society allows the violation of some, the violation of other rights is arguably much more likely to occur in those societies. The eradication of FGM/C is everyone’s responsibility. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs), Governments and local women’s groups cannot protect women’s and girls’ rights on their own, but together this goal may become more realistic and achievable. Awareness campaigns and funding for the purpose should therefore aim to bring together all interested and responsible parties, including those who continue to subscribe to the cultural ideals associated with FGM/C.
- Claire Furphy is an external consultant in Consultancy Africa Intelligence’s Africa Watch Unit (africa.watch@consultancyafrica.com). The April edition of the CAI HIV/AIDS Issues Newsletter is republished here with permission from Consultancy Africa Intelligence (CAI), a South African-based research and strategy firm with a focus on social, health, political and economic trends and developments in Africa. For more information, see http://www.consultancyafrica.com or http://www.ngopulse.org/press-release/consultancy-africa-intelligence. Alternatively, click here to take advantage of CAI’s free, no obligation, 1-month trial to the company’s Standard Report Series.
In addition to topical discussion papers and tailored research services, CAI releases a number of fortnightly and monthly publications, examining the latest developments in Africa, across a wide range of interest areas. Interested parties can click here to take advantage of CAI’s free, no obligation, 1-month trial to any/all of the CAI publications.
For more information, see http://www.consultancyafrica.com or http://www.ngopulse.org/press-release/consultancy-africa-intelligence.
NOTES:
(1) Claire Furphy is an External Consultant in Consultancy Africa Intelligence’s Africa Watch Unit
(africa.watch@consultancyafrica.com).
(2) http://www.afrol.com
(3) http://news.bbc.co.uk
(4) Ibid.
(5) http://www.who.int
(6) Ibid.
(7) Ibid.
(8) http://www.unfpa.org
(9) Ibid.
(10) http://www.aspire-irl.org
(11) Ibid.
(12) http://www.un.org
(13) Ibid.
(14) http://www.unfpa.org
(15) http://www.unfpa.org
(16) http://www.who.int
(17) Ibid.
(18) Wakabi. W. (2007). Africa battles to make female genital mutilation history. The Lancet, 369, 1069-1070.
(19) http://www.who.int
(20) Ibid.
(21) Ibid.
(22) Ibid.
(23) http://news.bbc.co.uk
(24) http://www.who.int
(25) Wakabi. W. (2007). Africa battles to make female genital mutilation history. The Lancet, 369, 1069-1070.
(26) http://www.aspire-irl.org
(27) http://www.unfpa.org
(28) http://news.bbc.co.uk
(29) Wakabi. W. (2007). Africa battles to make female genital mutilation history. The Lancet, 369, 1069-1070.
(30) http://www.unfpa.org
(31) Ibid.
(32) Ibid.
Author(s):Claire Furphy

