development
development
EU Policies Hit People's Rights - Concord
African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) member countries, including Tanzania, are being hit by European Union (EU) policies, according to a new report released by Concord, the European NGO confederation for relief and development.
In its latest report, the organisation notes that EU policies continue to seriously undermine people's rights in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world.
The report ‘Spotlight on EU Policy Coherence for Development’, which was launched in Togo to coincide with the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, also found that the EU policies are not coherent with development objectives in the African countries.
To read the article titled, “Report says EU policies hit African people's rights,” click here.Source:All AfricaLet’s Do it! South Africa’s Vision for 2030
The recently released draft of the National Development Plan is the first step in charting a new course to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality. There’s justification for planning the future of a developing state and this plan, with its warts and imperfections, is long overdue.
There’s an old proverb; ‘He who fails to plan, plans to fail’ and a business maxim ‘ailing to plan is planning to fail’ and there’s also a military adage of 7 Ps.
In a sense this is a morale booster and coincides with the announcement of Table Mountain becoming one of the world’s new seven wonders. It’s a great vision and a big plan.
It is also a welcome diversion from depressing stuff and media overkill on corrupt police commissioners, the Arms Deal, bogus charities getting money from the lottery and suspension of African National Congress Youth League leaders.
The Vision for 2030 will work through the fortitude of the people not through politicians - it needs the might of civil society structures and the private sector to transform idealism to realism. The document sparks imagination and upholds what this country has become and will remain; a land of possibilities.
It is a multi pronged strategy inter-linked with a broad vision to tackle unemployment, economic growth, rural development, public-service reform, labour reforms and the transition to a low-carbon economy. Over 444 pages inspire hope with a Vision Statement that flows so well that it must have been composed by poets.
Some Doubting Thomas’ had their say before the front page of the report had time to dry. Opposition parties have declared it airy-fairy and say for it to work it needs strong leadership that currently isn’t apparent, such criticism is predictable.
The plan or fairy tale as Professor Jonathan Jansen implied in his weekly column of The Times, is “lofty and lacks a theory of action”. It’s true, there are innumerable gaps and it requires emphasis on the partners or stakeholders for implementation, there again it is a work in progress and we have three months to digest the content and forward suggestions and ideas to the National Planning Committee.
The National Planning Commission, chaired by Trevor Manuel, his deputy Cyril Ramaphosa and 25 sage advisors is an office in the Presidency tasked with envisioning the future. The NPC has spent the past 18 months plotting and deliberating a rosier destination for South Africa with input from thousands of individuals. It will be a hard sell to gain support from the citizenry yet now’s the time for the nonprofit sector to embrace aspects of the NDP as their own, contribute towards the goals and action plans, be a partner, share ideas and propose solutions to make it a reality.
So let’s do it by downloading the plan from www.npconline.co.za. Scan the contents page, peruse the Foreword (worth a read) jump to page 41 and checkout that romantic vision statement, then quickly dash to the Problem Statement on page 411 and then read the Nation Building Vision on page 426, lastly cast your eye over the Bill of Responsibilities on page 435 and then return to the Chapters to dissect and digest.
In 1976, just after the Soweto Riots life was uncertain, the demise of apartheid seemed unattainable, there were predictions of a blood bath, and our lovely country was close to being razed to the ground. Exactly 18 years after the Youth uprising we held our first democratic elections in 1994, so why shouldn’t we defeat poverty and inequality by 2030 – it’s only 18 years away, have faith as we live in the land of endless possibilities.
- Ann Bown is a financial sustainability consultant to the nonprofit sector and consults widely in Africa.Author(s):Ann BownThe Growth and Emergence of the South African Nanny State
The municipality governing the village I grew up in has a fantastic vision: “Together with communities and partners striving for sustainable livelihoods and economic growth for all”.
The area, now called Sakhisizwe, is part of a larger region of the Eastern Cape with a proud history dating back to the wars of dispossession, defiance against the Bantustan system, resistance against the imposition of Kaizer Daliwonga Matanzima as Paramount Chief, and playing a leading role in the liberation movements. The main clans are AmaQwathi, AmaGcina, AmaNdungwane and AmaHala. It boasts one of the largest rock art collections of the San people, who through their own dispossession and assimilation became part of these clans.
People like Gwede Mantashe, Secretary General of the African National Congress; Ayanda Ntsaluba former Director General at the Department of Health and later International Relations and Cooperation, as well as Advocate Dumisa Ntsebeza SC, to mention just a few, call this place home.
Sakhisizwe can be categorised as a B4 (largely rural with a low economic and revenue base) municipality. For inhabitants of this place, the promise of a better life for all remains far-fetched and elusive. Many households are trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty and unemployment. For an estimated population of 660 970 people and 167 560 households, basic infrastructure backlogs are:- Water (39 percent);
- Sanitation (51 percent);
- Electricity (40 percent);
- Refuse Removal (28 percent);
- Road network (300km of gravel and approximately 62km of tarred surfaces).
Two decades ago, almost without exception, any fit young man was guaranteed a job in the mines. The clan structure was a major source of referral, induction and mentorship in the mining setup. If you did not work in the mines, you were involved in farming. Every family’s communal land was tilled with fences separating fields and grazing land. Households were self-sufficient with maize, wheat, pumpkins, and beans and in some areas, fruits (peaches and apples) with excess sold in the market. My grandfather for example, had more than 1 000 sheep and goats and more than 500 cattle. We milled our own wheat and maize. We made and sold our own cheese. We sold milk, amasi and pork.
With this background and perhaps, a sense of nostalgia, two months ago, I asked my brother, and Headman of our village - Upper Indwana and his councillors, why our people are living in abject poverty. Their answers were frank and quite revealing. They said it is because of two main reasons:- The mines have shed thousands of jobs in the last fifteen years;
- Government programmes are breeding laziness and drunkards.
The second part needs further elaboration. The ruling party is committed to a developmental state manifest through state intervention in a wide range of areas intended to conceptualise, initiate, drive and manage transformation of society. While the term is used glibly and without abandon, it is not clear how the South African concept of a developmental state is different, if at all, from a welfare state.
All government departments have one form or another of intervention. While they remain uncoordinated, most of them are intended to achieve the same goals. It is not possible to present all of them here, the following are selected randomly to illustrate the point:
Social Grants:
Almost 15.2 million South Africans, up from 2.5 million in 1998 receive social grants accounting for 10.9 percent of the total national budget. The figure does not include an additional two million eligible children who, due to administrative reasons, are not receiving child support grants. The figures are set to increase even further, in years to come as government raises the thresholds for the means test. Overall, social grants expenditure is projected to increase at an average annual rate of 10.6 percent over the next four years. Every family in my village is benefiting from one form or more than one form of a social grant.
Expanded Public Works:
Phase 2 of Expanded Public Works which covers the period 2009/10 – 2014/15 aims to create 4.5 million work opportunities for poor, unskilled and unemployed South Africans, not to mention its ‘Working For This or That’ extensions. The prevailing habit in my village is of men and women sleeping on the side of the road, pretending to be fixing the gravel roads. They wake up when they see an oncoming car. When it’s cold, they don’t even bother. They collect the pay and are included in the national figures of people who are gaining skills through temporary work opportunities provided by the government.
Human Settlements:
South Africa is the only country in the world that provides free houses to its citizens. The Department of Human Settlements has built three million houses since 1994. Despite this, there is a backlog of 2.3 million houses. When a mother gets a house, three to four of her children get to the waiting list. A significant number of people from the village have left the homesteads to stay in shanty towns in Khayelitsha, Cape Town and other townships in Gauteng, with no prospects of employment in sight.
Rural Development:
Up to now, the primary focus of the land reform process has been equitable land ownership among the country’s citizens. Where efforts were made to develop post-settlement strategies such as the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme (CASP) and the Settlement and Implementation Support Programme (SISP), there has been insufficient capacity within government for full scale implementation of these programmes. During the last ten years, South Africa has become a net exporter of farmers and a net importer of food.
As part of the 1994 celebrations, people at my village removed fences that used to separate fields from grazing lands. With the exception of a few households in the sub-villages of Upper Indwana, farming of any kind is now non-existent. To solve the problem, government has purchased white-owned farms in the region and settled people there. One of the new settlers is my uncle’s wife, who inherited everything my grandfather owned. She moved to Dordrecht with a herd of only 10 cattle from what took my grandfather a lifetime to build. She has returned to the village with nothing.
Policy implications
Despite the picture painted above, we have achieved a lot since 1994. Real estate has mushroomed in the rural hinterland. Inequality between blacks and whites has decreased. It takes nine hours to arrive in Johannesburg and 10 hours to arrive in Cape Town. It used to take 18 and 20 hours respectively. Despite the quality, universal access to basic education is almost 100 percent. An imbizo is now announced via cellphone - progress.
There are many arguments for, and against the bulging welfare state.
It is argued that social grants are enshrined in our Constitution; the social security net promotes equity, social solidarity and justice. It is also claimed that the net is an effective redistribution and poverty-reduction mechanism. It is further argued that social grants are an effective economic stimuli in that every cent given to the poor is spent in South Africa, and most of it, on goods or services produced in the country.
It is also counter-argued that social grants are unaffordable and expensive to administer; that while race inequality has decreased as a result of social grants and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE), intra-race inequality among blacks has increased. It is also strongly argued that investment in consumption deprives the fiscus of needed resources for productive and enabling infrastructure investment such as roads, energy and telecommunications. Research presented by the University of Cape Town Vice-Chancellor, Professor Max Price, indicates that the social security net has not lifted people above the poverty line because even if one person in a household receives a form of a grant, four or five others in the same family are not earning anything. As a result, per capita household income remains below the poverty line.
Interestingly, especially in the last month or so, there is now a growing realisation that the futility of a nanny state is not sustainable. Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale has said government must have a cut-off date on which it will stop building free houses for the poor. Sitting on the fence, President Jacob Zuma has acknowledged that while social grants are important for the alleviation of poverty, they are by no means a substitute for rural development and employment creation. Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe has denounced them outright, saying social grants promote dependency. As early as 2008, former President Thabo Mbeki said that South Africans need to reduce dependence on social grants. He said, “We have to cultivate that sentiment among our people to say: I too have a responsibility to do something about my own development”.
While this might not be politically expedient, or politically correct, it is perhaps time to review the implications of the policies we have adopted since 1994, discard what does not work for the people and enhance what works.
Some pertinent case studies and policy questions are:
How did Malawi move from the African basket case to an African food basket within three years? Why is Brazil’s Bolsa Familia (Family Grant) Programme regarded by the World Bank President and other admires, as “the best model of effective social policy”.
But most importantly, instead of chasing them away, what can we learn from the immigrant community - the Nigerians, Somalians, Chinese and Pakistanis? Mbeki had this to say about the observations of Nigerians when they first arrived in South Africa: “Nigerians want to know why are the streets empty? Don’t South Africans do business among themselves? What do they do? Anything? Ah, they are waiting for government to give. They are waiting for government to deliver. We don’t do that in Nigeria. Once you put two Nigerians together, you have a market”.
Nigeria is projected to overtake South Africa as Africa’s largest economy by 2025. Meanwhile, men and women sit and drink at my village.
This is Part Two of a Four Part Series: Part One: Rules of Engagement; Part Three: Valuing Community Assets for Social Development ; Part Four: Putting it together – The Golden Triangle of Social Development.
- Andile Ncontsa is the CEO of Litha Communications (www.litha-communications.co.za). In addition to communications and public relations, Litha consults on corporate social investment, stakeholder management, sustainability, dialogue and social mobilisation.Author(s):Andile NcontsaZuma Welcomes National Development Plan
President Jacob Zuma has applauded the country's first National Development Plan, which is aimed at making better life for all by eliminating poverty and reducing inequality by 2030.
In receiving the plan, Zuma commended the National Planning Commission for putting the elimination of poverty and reduction of inequality at the heart of their plan.
"These two challenges, plus the need to eliminate illiteracy, are the ones that most South Africans feel most strongly about. Any plan that fails to talk directly to the needs of our people, the needs of the poorest of our people, will not be good enough for our country," he explained.
To read the article titled, “President Jacob Zuma praises National Development Plan,” click here.Source:All AfricaNGO Worried About Lack of EIA on Projects
The Earth Organisation Zambia has expressed concern at the increasing number of development projects that are being implemented without conducting an environmental impact Assessment (EIA) as required by law.
Director, Lovemore Muma, says that the organisation is concerned that big projects have been allowed to take off even without assessing their impact on the surrounding communities.
Muma, who cities the Chinese-run Ichimpi Mine in Kalulushi as one of the projects that has started without an EIA study, warns that situations like this pose risks to the communities.
To read the article titled, “Lack of EIA worries NGO,” click here.Source:All AfricaThere is a Role for SADC Women in South Sudan
After decades of marginalisation, South Sudanese women may soon be able to lead a normal life now that their country has gained independence and ended years of conflict with North Sudan.
In order for Sudanese women to enjoy sustained peace, their newly-established country requires global (especially African) support to maintain calm, rebuild the economy and improve basic services, particularly for women.
Women leaders from the Southern African Development Community (SADC), including from the security sector, are some of the best placed to lend a helping hand to their sisters in South Sudan.
Not only do SADC women have experience in rebuilding countries which were once at war, the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development - signed by 13 SADC countries and ratified by eight - commits State Parties to put in place measures to ensure that women have equal representation and participation in key decision-making positions in conflict resolution and peace-building processes by 2015.
However, the 2011 SADC Gender Protocol Barometer, which will officially be launched in August, has found that Southern African women are still underrepresented in peace-keeping and peace-building missions. Only Namibia, at 43 percent, is anywhere close to meeting the Protocol target of 50 percent women in peace-keeping forces. The majority of SADC countries send just 10 percent women or less on peace-keeping missions.
Now is the time for these countries to step up, meet this target and send skilled SADC women to South Sudan where their help is desperately needed.
Providing basic services to this nascent but ravaged country remains a mammoth task for the new government of President Salva Kiir. South Sudan became independent from the rest of Sudan on 9 July 2011 following years of conflict. Its independence brings the membership of the African Union and the United Nations (UN) (www.un.org) to 54 and 193 respectively.
But massive assistance is needed to improve access to clean water in the world's newest country. Support is also vital in the construction of new schools and the refurbishment of old ones.
The UN estimates that only 30 percent of South Sudanese girls are in primary school while more than 80 percent of women are illiterate. Child marriage is common: young girls in the country have a greater chance of dying in childbirth than they have of completing school.
South Sudan needs help rehabilitating its fragile health system to make child-bearing safer for women. According to the Sudan Household Health Survey and the 2008 World Children's Status Report, the country has one of the highest maternal and infant mortality rates in the world: approximately 2 054 women die out of every 100 000 live births. This is in addition to at least 102 infants that die in every 1 000 live births in health institutions.
There is an urgent need to train more health professionals such as doctors, clinical officers and midwives. Malawi's recent success bringing down infant and maternal mortality rates suggests this region has such skills to share.
Efforts might also be channelled into improving communication networks, including road and rail, to allow women, particularly those involved in cross-border business or small and medium enterprise, to freely trade.
There is also a need to maintain women's positive increases in decision-making positions to achieve gender parity in line with continental and international targets.
Since the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed to end the 21-year Sudanese civil war, the number of women in parliament increased from 28 in 2005 to 52 in 2011. The Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly is made up of 170 members.
"I hope in the next elections in four years time, the number of women will go up to 100 so that they - as a majority in parliament - put in place laws that are appropriate to protect women," said Gender Minister Agnes Lasuba.
However, she acknowledged without outside support, South Sudanese women will remain poor and have little to show for their independence.
In his inaugural speech, President Kiir concurred and urged the global community to work with South Sudan in rebuilding the world's newest country.
South Sudan was born with myriad problems, especially for its troubled women. Although Southern African women also face challenges, they have made great political, social and economic strides in recent years.
Now is the time for them to share these successes with their northern neighbours.
- Kizito Sikuka is a Zimbabwean journalist and current holder of the COMESA Media Award for the best print journalist to report on regional economic integration. This article is part of the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service. It is republished here with the permission of Gender Links.Aid Not Matching Africa’s Development Needs
The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) says that aid never matched Africa's vast development needs, particularly, relating to building physical and human capital.
IEA senior economist, Dr John Kwakye, says that foreign aid increased the continent's indebtedness, and high servicing costs have diverted resources away from development and social projects, while bureaucracy and volatility in aid delivery have often curtailed or frustrated African development budgets.
Kwakye argues that Africa's long dependence on aid has created moral hazards by breeding complacency and apathy in seeking alternative sources of mobilising development resources and imperatively.
To read the article titled, “Aid has helped continent but,” click here.Source:All AfricaUnlocking the African Moment – Development with a Human Face
Adapted from a speech delivered at an African Monitor breakfast meeting at the margins of the 2011 World Economic Forum on Africa on 5 May 2011
For the next three years African Monitor will operate under the theme: “Unlocking the African moment: A grassroots focussed agenda”. In doing so, we have been influenced by the context in which we find ourselves, which seems to indicate that the next century belongs to Africa. The latest economic projections for instance, indicate that Africa will bounce back over the next few years and that there will be significant growth. Katherine Tweedie, director and head of Africa for the World Economic Forum was quoted saying, “It’s interesting to note that seven of the ten fastest growing world economies will come from sub-Saharan Africa in the next five years”.
Former South African President Thabo Mbeki, recently referred to “an Africa Star rising fast”, arguing that the continent has had a productivity revolution and is entering a new era of hope. These and many other indicators have given a lot of us a conviction that Africa is on the brink of a major development breakthrough – that it is time to ‘unleash the African Moment’. Policy makers, civil society and other stakeholders all over are convinced of this being “Africa’s time to shine”.
A lot of us share in this optimism of a continent in ascendency and we certainly know that the African Moment will only come about if we make a paradigm shift on our development models. Our observation though is that a lot of the talk about what would constitute Africa’s moment, whilst quite relevant, is not so much people focused but is rather largely based on the usual and exciting macro-economic projections. However, we remain motivated by these current waves of indicators that the continent is about to achieve a development breakthrough; that something is about to give in and allow the continent to experience its full potential. Even further, we have a conviction that there is something that needs to be done in order to ensure that this does not constitute a false alarm; but that the continent indeed realises its moment.
We recognise that wealth creation and economic growth are essential tools for sustainable development. What we are proposing is that development of any kind – economic, social and cultural – has to be people focussed. The goal of development must be to enable people to enjoy their potential to be fully human. Bringing the corrective balance of human realities and contextual groundedness into all our policy-making is essential for our planet’s long term well-being, without which humanity will not survive. Human-focussed economics argues that creation can well supply enough for our needs, though certainly not for our greed, if we are ready to be faithful stewards not only for today, but for tomorrow. In our policy formulations we must cater for present requirements without destroying the prospects of future generations.
When it comes to development policies, alongside all the statistics of hunger and need, and the totals of dollars spent, it must be remembered that what matters most is that the neediest individuals urgently find tangible, sustainable solutions. Though this is often the hardest thing to quantify, it is the only thing that truly counts. Whilst it is informative and credible to measure progress through the condition of our economies and the strength of our currencies, we must also not neglect to concentrate on how well each of our countries takes care of its people. For the state of a nation is not just how strong the economy is doing, or how strong the currency is. The state of a nation is about how well the people are doing. Are they able to live with dignity, able to feed their children, able to meet their basic needs, able to access and create employment, education, health care? We must remember, the wealth of a nation is indeed measured by the health of its people. Only when we achieve this can humanity dare claim to be truly civilised.
Current policies that exacerbate the inequalities between rich and poor, across most nations of the world, and between regions of the planet, are dangerously destabilising – in economic terms, in social terms, in human terms. Development programmes are most effective and sustainable when intended recipients are fully included – respected, heard, involved – at every stage from inception and planning to delivery, and when adequate attention is paid to the realities on the ground. Policies that propagate conflicts, confrontation as well as marginalisation have a sell-by date beyond which people will revolt with dire consequences to political and economic stability.
In short, what needs to be done to unlock the African moment is firstly, that development is built on the perspectives and realities of the grassroots communities. The African grassroots communities should be mobilised to participate in their own development as change agents and development programmes should base themselves on the aspirations of the people. There should be efforts made to understand the grassroots – who they are and why they matter; what their realities are that need to be taken into account and built upon?
In order to work with the grassroots, there is need to fully understand them. Generally, there is lack of sufficient knowledge base on the grassroots sector – as shown by some policies. There are three definite categories of grassroots: 1) there are rural and largely women depending on land and engaged in smallholder agriculture. 2), there are the urban and educated but unemployed, or semi-educated and 3) there are the Youth. These form the majority of the population in most if not all African countries. They are not idle or passive. They are active, resilient, and have largely sustained themselves through community knowledge and social networks for generations. They matter from an economic, social and political perspective.
It is important to note that the overwhelming majority of the African grassroots people, 61 percent, is rural, engaged in subsistence agriculture. Women's critical role in agricultural production, and especially in subsistence agriculture, as well as in livestock raising and food processing are notable. We, therefore, need to ask ourselves what social infrastructure do these rural masses need to achieve development? What economic infrastructure do they need to achieve development? What human capital do they need to achieve development? and, who will provide the investment resources to address these development needs?
What this says is that there is need to invest in social infrastructure; in economic infrastructure; and, in people. It would seem that for wealth creation to be meaningful, we need to integrate the rural grassroots economy in the national economy! In so doing, we must bear in mind that the so called ‘Informal’ is not ‘inferior’ or ‘undesirable’. The so called informal sector is just one of Africa’s lived realities for the overwhelming majority that needs to be acknowledged, better understood and appropriately and sufficiently invested in. In fact, it is what makes African formal economies tick and “surge” and without it these economies would flounder. The grassroots people are “the tellers and cashiers of Africa’s wealth”.
It is everyone’s business to ensure that the majority of African populations are not left behind. There is need to build a dynamic relationship between the state, business and the citizen; to define a common goal that puts people first and to determine what that entails in reality. As the African proverb says, “If you walk close enough to a river, you can hear the crab cough”. In similar vein, government ought to be close to their citizens in order to create space for the realisation of their dreams.
Secondly, addressing the aspirations of young people is key to unlocking Africa’s moment. Youth are dynamic, energetic and creative. Africa’s population of one billion is expected to double by 2050. The continent’s demographic advantage in which 63 percent of Africa’s population is under the age of 24 is an asset. This advantage of being the ‘youngest and most energetic’ continent should be tapped and created as an opportunity to realise the African moment. Already we have reached an effective critical mass of educated and semi-educated youth (although admittedly, we still need to do a lot on the education front!). Young people in Africa want opportunities to make a decent and enjoyable living. They have a different focus. They have ideas for development of products, services that work for them and have the potential to contribute to the economy as workers and as entrepreneurs. The youth are a gauge for what is required in the future. They want to shape their own future. Through technological connection, they have freed themselves from the constraints of geography and are beginning to overcome time. Africa’s virtual future is freeing itself from its physical constraints – connectivity is happening in Africa despite its having only four percent of the world’s electricity. It is spreading fast, whether or not factories are built or youth find jobs. New cultures are being formed online and on the street. Recent events in North Africa have shown us that we cannot ignore the needs of young people, who can be impatient when their aspirations are not met.
Thirdly, for the African moment to be realised, governments need to find ways to bring about material change for the grassroots. The moral function of the State is the coordination of resources at its disposal for the wellbeing of its citizens. Governments should create the necessary environment to enable other stakeholders such as business to make effective contributions in the development agenda. This means in the first instance that the dominant paradigm that influences policy formulation and implementation should be reviewed. This implies a review of how governments currently relate to citizens, how systems and policies operate and how the future is nurtured. Governments should create the much needed balance between wealth creation and people’s aspirations. They need to ask themselves what structural/organic linkages should be established between the rural areas, the national and the global economy which would assist the development of the former? What should be done to establish these linkages? Who will provide the investment resources to build these linkages?
Above all, it is my view that the African moment will materialise when a continent wide movement – similar to that seen during the struggle for liberation – involving political leaders, business and the citizenry at large engages in collective effort to ensure that every African has a source of income, a roof over their heads, access to quality education and health care, and has the capabilities and means to pursue their dreams in a peaceful environment. An agenda for a people-centred movement that enables Africa to rapidly achieve its development potential entails building a coalition of the willing and directing our advocacy strategies towards development with a human face. As such, the challenge for us today is to think creatively about the future. As an African proverb goes, “Tomorrow belongs to the people who prepare for it today”.
- Archbishop Njongo Ndungane is the president and founder of African Monitor, a not-for-profit independent continental body that works to monitor development commitments and delivery for evidence-based advocacy.
- For more information, contact Buhle Makamanzi, Senior Communications, Information and Media Specialist on buhle@africanmonitor.org +27 82 898 8488.Author(s):Archbishop Njongo NdunganeGovernment Urged Not to Underestimate Civil Society
Former United Nations Resident Coordinator for the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea and Cameroun, Herbert M'cleod, has urged emerging oil-rich African countries not to close the door to civil society if they want to succeed in effectively and efficiently utilising revenues.
M'cleod, who admits he was a critic of civil society before, argues that civil society’s engagement with governments across the continent has not been smooth sailing in many instances.
"I use to be ferociously opposed to them because they are paid for by foreigners, they are not accountable to the people; but what I have seen, not only in Sierra Leone but also the DRC, that in the end they become the voice of the voiceless...," he explains.
To read the article titled, “Gov't urged not to underestimate role of CSOs,” click here.Source:All AfricaAIDC Warns: NGP? Do Not Repeat the Tragedy of GEAR as a Farce!
The Alternative Information Development Centre (AIDC) welcomes that the government’s New Growth Path (NGP) document recognises the hard facts about mass joblessness, poverty and inequality in South Africa. A new economic policy is indeed necessary and the NGP document correctly points to how the global crisis has opened up “new policy space” for a country like South Africa to “go beyond conventional policy prescriptions”.
This acknowledgment must be strongly commended. Not least, because it encourages the questioning of what follows in the document itself. The NGP document suffers heavily from a balancing act within the government between neoliberals, Keynesians and some who even describe themselves as Marxists.
Glimpses of clear sunlight in a long winter only indicate that summer is possible, but are not summer itself (not even spring). The NGP recognises the need for a new paradigm and tries to provide a more holistic plan for the economy. Unfortunately it is not a “major paradigm shift”. We must not repeat as a farce the public support tragically bestowed on GEAR by a few working class organisations in 1996. The NGP does not use the new space it wisely acknowledges to clear a new path away from GEAR and neoliberalism.
The authors of the document wish to break with GEAR macroeconomics. However, NGP is completely silent on the need for capital controls to pursue any of its more interventionist suggestions. Parallel to the presentation of the NGP, the government has confirmed in its Medium Term Budget Policy statement that further relaxation of capital controls will be made. This is further evidence of government operating at crossed purposes.
The NGP preaches “fiscal restraint” and is silent on taxation. While many of the proposed projects inspire, it remains unclear where the money will come from. The NGP hands over the main on-the-ground responsibility for job creation to profit-led companies in the private sector. The results of doing so are already well known in our country.
Indeed, the document seems to identify a need for greater state control, but at the core of its economic strategy is a plan to decrease the weight of the public sector in the economy. The GDP-measure is composed by the expenditure of the state and the value of the total production for profit. The NGP projects a GDP growth per year of 4 to 7 percent for the entire economy, but only 2 percent a year for state expenditures. Such a development would every year reduce the overall weight of the public sector in the economy. The economy’s submission to the whims and short-term profiteering of so called market forces would increase therefore, year by year. Reducing the relative size of the public sector in the economy is a hallmark of neoliberalism.
The social contract between rich and poor proposed at the end of the document may succeed in constraining the fight for a living wage for workers (which is their right, and which would be good for the economy). However, nowhere else in the world have proposals like this had any effect on what remuneration CEOs and shareholders pay themselves. A small and historically empowered minority controls the bulk of the surplus produced in the economy. How that surplus is used and distributed is at the discretion of the economic elite.
In addition, the very notion that more profits to companies would create more jobs in our country is a fallacy. This can be deduced from the beginning of the NGP document itself, showing its ideological inconsistency. The NGP says that South Africa has had 16 consecutive years of increasing profits at the expense of workers wages. Since 2000 alone, we have discovered through research at AIDC, more than R400bn (at current prices) have in this way been shifted over from wages to extra profits. Unemployment has continued to grow.
Perhaps in compliance with the needs of geo-politic positioning, the NGP proclaims SA as a “middle-income economy”. Such a country, according to this document, shouldn’t spend so much on health as a share of GDP as South Africa does, and proposes a cut in this share. That proposal is very unfortunate. If savings are made on private healthcare costs by the introduction of a NHI, they should be redirected to increase provision of public healthcare in the rural areas and other under serviced areas of the country. In that process, tax financed health expenditure as a share of GDP might as well increase substantially, may that then be at the expense of private consumption!
Investments in health are investments in a better life for all. From 2000 to 2009, TB prevalence has increased in SA with 51percent. The HIV prevalence is 11percent in the population and more than 15percent of the working age population between 15 and 49 years are infected! Such a dire health situation at the heart of the labour force means that health expenditures are not costs, but investments in sheer economic productivity. There are 80 000 vacant jobs in public health. They don’t need to be “created”.
In the midst of a global economical crisis as well as a climate crisis, South Africa needs an employment plan, rather than a traditional “growth path”. Employment should take place where it is needed, not where private for-profit interests deem it “possible”. The shortcomings of the NGP show that organised labour and popular movements must continue to engage in the debate and forge an alternative economic policy to neo-liberalism. The proposal outlined by Cosatu and the discussion at the Cosatu-Civil Society conference gave hope for the future. The time for lobbying is up. We need a broad mass movement to press forward and organise for mass employment, as we fight against poverty for the many and wealth for the very few.
The Alternative Information Development Centre (AIDC) is a Cape Town based social justice organisation that publishes the Amandla magazine.Date published:30/11/2010Organisation:The Alternative Information Development Centre (AIDC)

