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housing

  • Heavy Rain Puts Relief Agencies on Alert

    Heavy rains and localised flooding across southern Africa from Angola to Madagascar are raising fears that the devastating floods of 2000 will be repeated, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

    Hein Zeelie, an OCHA humanitarian affairs officer based in Johannesburg, points out that, "All countries in contiguous southern Africa are expected to receive normal to above-normal rainfall between January and March 2011.

    Zeelie warns that northern Zimbabwe, central Zambia, southern Malawi, central Mozambique and most of Madagascar are expected to receive above-normal rainfall.

    To read the article titled, “Heavy rain puts relief agencies on alert,” click here.
    Source: 
    All Africa
  • Joe Slovo Foundation to be Launched

    The family of late struggle icon Joe Slovo has announced the establishment of the Joe Slovo Foundation, an initiative aimed at helping the government to deal with the housing backlog and improve access to education.

    According to Martin Dolny, Slovo’s brother-in-law and the foundation’s fundraiser, the foundation will give priority for supporting the expansion of housing cooperatives to expedite the housing delivery, as well as legal and professional services.

    Dolny states that a number of people had already expressed support for the initiative, although it would be launched only in May.

    "The foundation has already received tremendous support and commitment from comrades and colleagues of the late minister and African National Congress hero, as well as political parties, labour and business," he explains.

    To read article titled, “Joe Slovo Foundation to tackle housing,” click here.
    Source: 
    Business Day
  • Unemployment and the Rights of Workers

    The most important, single issue facing government today is improving conditions for greater labour absorption.

    The South African Bill of Rights says, “Every citizen has the right to choose their trade, occupation or profession freely.” But local laws and institutions do not fully support that right, and one consequence is our staggering unemployment rate.

    The results of the Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS), recently published by Statistics South Africa, revealed some alarming labour market trends. According to the strict definition, the unemployment rate increased from 24.3 percent (4.165 million) in the last quarter of 2009 to 25.2 percent (4.310 million) in the first three months of 2010 – a loss of 145 000 jobs. When the first quarter of 2010 is compared to that of 2009, if we include discouraged work seekers who have given up searching for work because they believe there is none available, the unemployment rate increases from 28.4 percent (5.4 million) to 32.4 percent (6.1 million) unemployed people.

    This paints a very bleak picture indeed.

    To make matters worse, these employment figures are at odds with the growth in real gross domestic product (GDP) – 4.6 percent in the first quarter of 2010 compared to 1.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2009. And, according to the Quarterly Employment Survey (QES), gross labour earnings paid to employees in the formal non-agricultural sector in the first quarter of 2010, was 11.7 percent more than in the first quarter of 2009. Therefore, on average, for those with jobs in South Africa, things got a whole lot better despite almost a million losing theirs in 2009.

    A further worrying concern is that, of the unemployed, 63.5 percent have been out of a job for longer than a year, and the majority are young with limited education and other skills. If the low end of the labour market were allowed to function unhindered, young and unskilled people would not have such a desperate struggle to get onto the first rung of the employment ladder. Without doubt, the already employed will protest that any weakening of job-security legislation or erosion of minimum wages will lead to increased poverty. Studies have shown that unemployment is a significant driver of poverty, so how can we close our eyes to it.

    Often ignored is that worker productivity is the main determinant of what employers are willing to pay, and a legislated increase in the price of labour does not increase worker productivity. According to fundamental economic logic, if a minimum wage of R2 000 per month can improve conditions for workers, then one of R20 000 per month should improve conditions even more. But, obviously, a minimum of R20 000 would render more people unemployable. People who do not get jobs as a result of such legislation are unseen victims while those who can clearly be seen to lose jobs are only too visible.

    Claire Bisseker states in an article (Financial Mail, 25 June 2010) that, “There are 387 manufacturers that have refused despite an exhaustive legal process by the clothing industry national bargaining council, to honour minimum wages and conditions of employment.” She reveals that a total of 43 percent of clothing manufacturers in the country are not complying with minimum wage legislation. The clothing industry national bargaining council is currently sitting on execution orders against the first 70 firms that have failed to meet their regulatory obligations, which, if carried out, could result in about 4 000 workers losing their jobs. I know that if I were one of these 4 000 individuals facing unemployment, I would certainly be against the carrying out of the execution orders.

    Bisseker sums up the situation succinctly, “The standoff in the clothing industry forces a choice to be made between upholding decent working standards and making thousands of people redundant in the middle of winter”. So, at the heart of the matter is the African National Congress’ policy of ‘the creation of decent work’. The small firms that ‘refuse to honour minimum wages and conditions of employment’ do not do so out of pure cussedness or because they are mean but because they cannot afford to pay the higher costs. But, who gets to decide what is ‘decent work’? Despite all statistics, if you were the one unemployed, so that, as far as you are concerned, the rate of unemployment is 100 percent, surely you would want to have the right to decide for yourself what constitutes ‘decent work’.

    Employees do not happily work under trying conditions for extremely low wages because they prefer such jobs to better paying and more attractive ones. They take such jobs because, at the time, it is their only chance to earn the money they need to support their families. Their choice is often between a poorly paid, unpleasant job, and starvation for their families and themselves.

    A significant and laudable factor that emerges from Bissiker’s article is that it was the South Africa Clothing and Allied Workers’ Union (SACTWU) that asked for the writs of execution to be delayed to “explore further avenues”. The spokesperson for the Apparel Manufacturers of South Africa (AMSA) was more uncompromising. According to Ms Bissiker he said that, “they don’t want to shut companies down either but neither can the status quo be allowed to continue, simply to save jobs”.  Do AMSA and SACTWU truly believe that the workers will be better off unemployed than in jobs that, in their view, are not “decent”? Will they support the families of the unemployed workers who lose their jobs because of these actions? Self-interest is usually buried in such strange logic.

    Other manufacturers will benefit if the 387 firms can be knocked out of the competition, but the self-interest of the labour union seems more obscure. Is it in the interests of SACTWU members for their union to be a party to making first 4,000 and later even more workers unemployed? Labour unions are supposed to look after the interests of their members, a task they perform with vigour. It is not their responsibility to solve the country’s socio-economic problems. That is the task of government.

    The most important, single issue facing government today is improving conditions for greater labour absorption. For government to achieve its stated objective of reducing unemployment and stimulating growth, it has to urgently address labour market policies and laws that exacerbate unemployment, such as those that abridge the constitutional and human rights of garment manufacturing workers, and threaten to imminently make thousands of them unemployed.

    - Jasson Urbach is an economist at the Free Market Foundation. This article first appeared in the Tshikululu Social Investments’ (TSI) Thought Leadership. It is republished here with the permission of TSI.
    Author(s): 
    Jasson Urbach
  • World Cup Experience to be Used to Improve Housing

    The Department of Human Settlements says it will use the experience gained during construction of World Cup stadiums to improve the delivery of houses by 2030.

    Minister Tokyo Sexwale, points out that, “I have declared that by 2030 children who are born this year should be able to access houses and flats.”

    Sexwale says his businesses had benefited from the construction of the Moses Mabhida Stadium in Durban, adding that in return, the businesses will build more than 50 000 houses as a social investment.

    To read the article titled, “SA to use WCup experience to improve housing delivery,” click here.
    Source: 
    The Citizen
  • Afesis-corplan

    ProdderID: 
    351
    Founded: 
    2007
    Our mission is to achieve good governance and sustainable settlements through participatory methods that empower the poor communities of the Eastern Cape.
  • WC to Confiscate RDP Houses

    The Western Cape housing department says it will confiscate RDP houses transferred to beneficiaries less than eight years ago, which have been sold by their owners and give them to the needy.

    Housing MEC Bonginkosi Madikizela, “The houses that are returned to the Department in terms of the pre-emptive right clause (in the Housing Act) will be reallocated by municipalities to qualifying people in terms of the relevant criteria.”

    He says the survey to be conducted by an appointed service provider will also establish how many title deeds still needed to be transferred to beneficiaries and, where title deeds had not been handed over, what the reasons for the delay are.

    To read the article titled, “Province to confiscate RDP houses in WC,” click here .
    Source: 
    Property24
    Article link: 
  • Call for Alternative Housing for Eviction Victims

    Amnesty International has accused Zimbabwe's unity government of failing to provide for victims of a mass eviction blitz five years ago that left 700 000 people destitute.

    Amnesty and the Coalition of Forced Evictions, made up of Zimbabwean groups, call on that country’s government to provide alternative housing or compensation to people left homeless and jobless by Operation Murambatsvina (Drive Out Filth).

    In a press statement, Amnesty's Zimbabwe director, Cousin Zilala, argues that, "It is a scandal that five years on, victims are left to survive in plastic shacks without basic essential services."

    To read the article titled, “Zim fails to assist eviction victims,” click here.
    Source: 
    News24
  • Planact Comments on the 2010/11 Budget

    The Minister’s speech comes with no surprises as we are all aware of the global economic crisis that did not spare South Africa, resulting in a recession. However, the Minister can only do what can be done, especially when we look at the growing budget deficit which is envisaged to continue growing in the next 3 years, hitting the R1.3 trillion mark before it slows down. It is a well balanced budget that needs to be commended.

    We welcome the measures to promote youth employment through the proposed subsidy to employers. However, it will be commendable if the Minister involved in developing an industrial policy takes it up with all stakeholders for it to be functional. It is an opportunity for young people to be absorbed within industry. After all, how are these young people going to get experience if industry does not open up? We do not have to be paid to develop the skills of our young people.

    The proposed increase in taxes on fuel by 25.5 cents will see an increase in transport costs for the poor and will also contribute towards the cost of basic necessities such as food and clothing. It is commendable that education received a high proportion of the budget. However, it remains critical that the funds be put to better use by employing the necessary tools that will make pupils and teachers utilise this budget to the benefit of the country.

    It is good that Government recognise that HIV/AIDS is a crisis that needs to be attended to. The additional R5.4 billion will go a long way towards preserving the lives of those already infected. Partnership between the private and public sector should take centre stage if the national health insurance system is to succeed.

    In terms of the human settlement grant, it is critical that government looks into the housing gap to accommodate the middle income group. An addition of R6.7 billion to cushion poor households regarding the rising costs of electricity and water is welcomed.

    On the social grant, the monthly increments for the old and the rise in disability grants are welcomed, although small. In terms of the child support grant, the increase is also too small, although we welcome that it will bring an additional two million children on board.

    We welcome that there is recognition that corruption has retarded development and hence there is need to have it stamped out in all government bodies. It is our greatest hope that the inter-ministerial committee will continue to do a good job without it being corrupted in future. 

    Mpiliso Ndiweni
    Executive Director
    Planact
    Author(s): 
    Mpiliso Ndiweni
  • Government to Tackle Housing Shortage – Zuma

    Government plans to set up a guarantee fund of R1 billion to incentivise the private banking and housing sector to develop new products to meet the country’s housing demand.

    President Jacob Zuma, in his state of the nation address in Parliament, said a key new initiative will be to accommodate people whose salaries are too high to get government subsidies, but who earn too little to qualify for a normal bank mortgage.

    Zuma said the government is to set aside over 6,000 hectares of ‘well-located’ public land for low income and affordable housing.

    To read the article titled, “Govt fund to tackle housing shortage,” click here.
    Source: 
    BuaNews
  • Give up on ‘slum eradication’, for now

    In April 2006, the then KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Housing and Local Government Mike Mabuyakhulu tabled The Slums Act. The provincial legislation reportedly aimed to eradicate shack settlements in KZN by 2010.

    In Section 16, the MEC is empowered to compel land owners to evict unlawful occupiers. The approach was to be adopted by other provinces.

    The Slums Act was challenged by a social movement of shack dwellers, Abahlali baseMjondolo. Early this month, the Constitutional Court agreed with Abahlali that Section 16 was unconstitutional.

    Since this finding guts the Act, the provincial government must now go back to the drawing board. It is a good time to reflect on the very idea of ‘slum eradication’.

    The advent of democracy promised housing for all. This laudable objective was intended to correct the gross injustices of the past in which most people were excluded from the right to a normal life in South Africa’s cities.

    We now have one of the most advanced house-building programmes in the world. A vast bureaucracy and construction sector is minting great numbers of low cost houses. Many lives have been greatly improved as a result of this process and many hopes remain pinned to it.

    Policy-makers assume that by building enough houses, the state can work through the backlog of people waiting in shack settlements. The national goal is to do this by 2014. But what is now apparent, is that no matter how fast we build houses, the backlog is not reducing.

    In 2004, 23% of households in South Africa’s nine largest municipalities still did not have access to formal shelter. The most serious study to date, published this year, estimates that even if the housing budget is doubled, we would only overcome the backlog by 2030.

    Many middle class people think that shack settlements are some parallel universe, a notion parodied in the film District 9. They are often seen as dirty, revolting and ‘alien’ to modern urban life.

    Planners and policy-makers in contexts ranging from nineteenth century Britain to post-independence developing countries have sought to eradicate shacks, as if they were wild fires that have to be extinguished, or diseases to be cured.

    Instead of seeing them as dysfunctional and threatening, we should acknowledge that shacks are the inevitable outcome of poor people’s attempts to survive in a highly unequal and exploitative society.

    Shacks are not simply a problem of the housing sector. They cannot be targeted for eradication until we eradicate their causes: poverty, inequality, unemployment and labour exploitation. And while the objective of eradicating shacks is not bad in principle, it can be detrimental in a context where these causes remain firmly in place.

    For at least five reasons, the language and policies of slum eradication are potentially harmful.

    First, many who are relocated from shacks to low-cost houses find themselves worse off because their new houses are a long distance from their current livelihood opportunities. People surviving off R1500 or so a month simply cannot absorb an increase in their transport costs.

    Second, when evictions take place, many people living in shacks are made homeless. Generally it is only a shack owner who is given a low-cost house when settlements are evicted. Tenants who were living with the shack owner are not accommodated. Shacks might not be adequate, but they are better than sleeping in the bush.

    Third, local governments do not always follow the procedure set out in the Prevention of Illegal Eviction Act, which requires the provision of a court order in advance of evictions. Without a court order, evicted people are not given proper opportunity to consider their legal options, as provided for under the Act.

    Fourth, as long as shacks are in limbo, awaiting eviction, government holds back on service provision and residents hold back from investing in their own living environments. So while many people have been living in shacks for a generation or more, they do not have good access to water, sanitation and electricity and have little infrastructure for managing emergencies such as fire and crime.

    Fifth, people evicted from shack settlements are increasingly being moved to transit camps rather than to new low-cost homes. These tend to be corrugated-metal barrack-like structures now springing up around many cities, hardly an advance on conditions in shack settlements. Those moved to transit camps often have no idea what their final destination is going to be. Neither is there a time limit to their stay and there is a danger that people will be languishing there for many years.

    We can surely all agree that a slum-free society and 'housing for all' are great ideals. However the language of slum eradication might promote overzealous eviction programmes that make some vulnerable people worse off than before.

    Shacks are certainly not great environments for our fellow citizens to live in. But while they wait for low-cost housing, there is much that can be done to more positively support the lives of shack dwellers. We should take more seriously policies in Latin America that provide comprehensive services to slums and even offer tenure to those who wish to remain where they are and improve their own structures.

    It is paramount in a democratic South Africa that people affected by development strategies should themselves have the primary say in their own futures.

    The needs of the poor should not come second to the achievement of some abstract notion of what a developed city should look like.

    - Richard Ballard is a senior lecturer in the School of Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal. A version of this was originally published in The Mercury on 29/10/2009
    Author(s): 
    Richard Ballard
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