social movements
social movements
African Youth Day Conference 2011
The Organisation of African Youth (OAYouth) is the youth platform for information exchange, forum for debate on African issues and a network of future political, corporate, academic, literary, religious and traditional leaders in all African contexts.
The African Youth Day was declared and adopted by the African Union (AU) in 2006 to be commemorated on 1 November each year. It has since evolved as the most powerful platform of young people of Africa.
OAYouth, in collaboration with Phelps Stokes and International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), is hosting the ‘African Youth Day Conference 2011 (AYDAC'11)’ on 1 November 2011 in Johannesburg.
The youth of Africa will convene at AYDAC’11 to celebrate the African Youth Day. The conference will pave way for youth to examine workable methods to improve youth unity as well as strengthen youth economic empowerment through leadership development, entrepreneurship support and agricultural transformation.
Conference Objectives:- Echo the voice of ordinary young people of Africa;
- Share information and best practices in promoting opportunities for youth encouraging youth to start new entrepreneurship initiatives;
- Establish suitable structures for meeting the unique needs for youth business start-ups in developing economies in Africa;
- Build lasting relationships between youth and business institutions;
- Infuse a gender perspective and rights-based approach to policies and programs for youth;
- Cultivate in the youth the spirit of accountability, transparency and integrity (ATI).
Cost: R2 430 per delegate.
For sponsorships, exhibitions and applications, write to: info@oayouth.org.
Enquiries: Tel: +27 73 445 4355.
For more about The Organisation of African Youth, refer to www.oayouth.org.Event type:ConferenceEvent venue:Ingwenya Country Escape, Lanseria, JohannesburgEvent start date:01/11/2011TAC and SECTION27: The ANC should Not Be Scared of Independent Campaigns Against Corruption and for Service Delivery, Human Rights and Public Accountability
Statement by the TAC and SECTION27, co-hosts of the Labour/Civil Society conference
The Civil Society Conference held on 27-28 October 2010 will hopefully come to be seen as a historic turning point in South Africa. It may mark the revival of co-ordinated community based activism that aims to achieve social justice and better the lives of the poor in South Africa. It was attended by more than 50 independent organisations that believe in social justice and that fight for it every day.
Civil society is therefore taken aback by attacks on the motives of the conference emanating from the ANC’s National Working Committee (NWC) on 1 November 2010. We are surprised by the insinuations that the conference is part of a plot against the ANC. We expect better of the post-Polokwane ANC. This is conduct reminiscent of the paranoia of the Mbeki era. It is a conduct that suggests the ANC, or some of the people who hide under its flag, have something to fear.
Why did the conference take place?
Over recent years, for the most part, civil society organisations have worked separately on a multitude of struggles for service delivery, human rights and public and private accountability. The purpose of the conference was therefore to:
- attempt to rediscover unity amongst civil society organisations,
- find common causes and common strategies in our various campaigns for social justice.
Fortunately in the democratic South Africa we don’t need anyone’s permission to meet. The ANC is a liberation movement and political party that most of us still support. It is not big brother.
The conference was neither anti-ANC nor anti-government. It stayed clear of debates about party politics and sought to be inclusive of various strands of political opinion amongst campaigners for social justice. But it did discuss the politics of service delivery, corruption and the major political challenges facing the country. It gave special attention to our deeply vulnerable and poor health and education systems. The conference was pro-poor, pro-justice and pro-democracy.
We welcome the fact that COSATU participated and played a leading part in the conference. COSATU vociferously draws attention to the wrongs of our society and has called for a new economic growth path. The conference was an opportunity to learn about and debate COSATU’s ideas.
COSATU represents organised working people. But they are tied through unemployment, poverty and squalid conditions to the issues for which civil society organisations fight daily: the fact that millions of people in South Africa are still homeless; declining life-expectancy due to HIV/AIDS and the enormous problems facing our health system; the terribly low levels of education that millions of children receive exacerbated by inequality between well-resourced private and former Model C schools and government schools; the need for accountability to communities especially by local government; the inadequate sanitation and insufficient access to electricity and other basic services endured by so many; and the high levels of crime.
What next?
The Conference was not a once off event. As stated in the Conference Declaration, we have agreed to further meetings at Provincial and district level and on key campaigns. This includes debating and developing a Social Justice Charter in coming months, which we hope the ANC will support.
The Conference also agreed to intensify human rights education and organisation among the poorest of the poor – people who are ignored by politicians and elites, and insulted by shameless sights of conspicuous consumption that mark out the new and old elite. (Please note: Commission reports from the conference will be issued in coming weeks.)
We believe the ANC NWC should have welcomed the conference. It should particularly have welcomed the affirmation of the Constitution and rule of law that is at the centre of the Conference Declaration. It should welcome an additional ally in the fight against corruption.
Effective government depends on a vigilant, capable civil society that knows the law, protects human rights and can act against what is wrong. The Civil Society/COSATU Conference did not challenge the ANC-led alliance; it only challenged the alliance to deliver.
In conclusion therefore let us state that:
1. As progressive social justice organisations committed to the poor and constitutional rights, we will continue to engage both the ANC and the government. Where necessary we have also used the courts. The conference commits us to continue to do so.
2. That we call on ANC to reconsider its ill-advised statement and provide effective leadership to society and instead affirm and support our objectives.
3. That we call on civil society and COSATU not to be intimidated by this statement but to work patiently, harder, and with discipline in taking forward the conference decisions.
Nonkosi Khumalo
Chairperson
TAC
Mark Heywood
Executive Director
SECTION27Date published:03/11/2010Organisation:TAC and SECTION27Women’sNet Slams Lenient Sentence
Women’sNet has slammed the 14-year jail sentence handed down to Dumisani Sikhakhane, a former secret service agent for murdering his former wife, their seven-year old daughter and the mother’s new husband.
Women’sNet media and information manager, Lebogang Marishane, has described the sentence as “a reflection of the justice system not recognising the worth of women’s lives”.
“With the 16 Days of Activism campaign approaching, we need to send a strong message to those perpetrating violence, but here we are seeing a man who killed both his wife and child getting such a lenient sentence. It is not acceptable,” says Marishane.
To read the article titled, “Activists slam lenient sentence,” click here.Source:<br /> SowetanArticle link:Mitchells Plain Traders Opposing Upgrade Eviction
Press Release
23 August 2009
Today the Mitchell’s Plain Town Centre traders have reached a boiling point. City officials are still continuing to have meetings with an unconstitutional body in the Town Centre.
Traders are still not certain when they will be evicted. We work each day with the possibility that our livelihoods will be stolen from us by the mere people who claim they provide us with freedoms. The traders have sent emails to Mayor Dan Plato and Premier Hellen Zille regarding a collaborative meeting, but still to this day there has been no response. If provincial and local governments are meant to assist communities then this requires Dan Plato and Hellen Zille to also do their jobs.
Town Centre Traders are in the dark about the future of their own workplace. We have been told briefly that the management of the Town Centre will be given to formal business, but this does not make sense. The bays to which the management is imposing to move the traders have already been numbered with metal plaques. The umbrella body of the traders is aware of this, but the traders whom they claim to represent are not aware. The traders have made multiple objections to the opaque renovation process, the fact that the move only allows space for half of the +/-1000 current Town Centre traders, the move of the city to proceed with the process full knowing the objections of the traders and the city’s agenda of upgrading the Town Centre as an area for private investors instead of for its own people. Amongst these objections and many others, city official Richard Hollstock is telling the traders that if they are unhappy with the process they can fight the issue in the Cape High Court.
That’s a slap in our faces!
We will not stand for this mistreatment and will continue to fight this just cause for the poor and for our freedoms.
For further information, please contact Mischka Cassiem at 0731286657Date published:23/08/2009Organisation:Western Cape Anti-Eviction CampaignPublic Participation and Transparency Essential in Selecting New SABC Board
The Portfolio Committee on Communications of parliament has, through adverts in a few expensive newspapers targeted at affluent readers, called for nominations for a new board of the public broadcaster the SABC. The closing date for nominations of board members is now 14 August (it was originally 31 July 2009).
The advertising strategy is highly unlikely to enable maximum participation in nominations and the closing date (although extended now) was certainly initially too close. It did not give enough time for well considered nominations and therefore it was not guaranteed of yielding the best pool for interviews.
A better communication strategy is necessary if the process is to produce a board made of people who are motivated by respect for freedom of expression and the media and meeting to the fullest extent possible the information, education, entertainment and communication needs of our society.
Notwithstanding these potentially fatal problems, the best and legitimate process to select an SABC board is through the parliamentary driven process and not an elite group of selected individuals even if they have an illustrious journalism and business background. Parliamentarians are the elected representatives of the people. In this country our elections are free and fair and its outcomes are representative of the people’s choices.
Further politics cannot and should not be taken out of the governance of the public media. The issue though is what kind of politics our elected representative should practice around public media.
Elected politicians should practice a form of politics around public media that allows for maximum public participation and transparency in selecting a board. Maximum public participation and transparency will engender a sense of ownership among South Africans that is lacking now. It will also stop the ill-considered clamour by some that the SABC be privatised as a solution to its governance and management
With regard to the SABC, which is a public broadcaster, it is expected and must be the practice that parliament enables the fullest participation by the public, in the process of selecting a board, that is broadly representative of our society. Parliament must avoid in anything that it does, a process that only enables the participation of elites in politics, business, and even those who have become elites in civil society organisations including labour. A process that privileges the participation of elites is anti-democratic, patriarchal and patronising.
Maximum public participation and transparency is a process of educating people to take ownership of an institution they nominally own. Not to broaden participation this time round after the fiasco of the board appointed by former President Mbeki, is simply to risk a repeat of that process and the controversy now dogging the appointment of the interim board. It is also to avoid manipulation of the process. Such manipulation leads to the appointment of a board that is not representative and does not have the legitimacy to govern the public broadcaster.
Ensuring maximum public participation and transparency in this process is consistent with the spirit of the ANC’s Polokwane congress which signaled a return to enabling the large majority of people to exercise power and influence in choices and the rejection of elite centred and driven decision making processes. Elite decision-making might on the face of it appear to be technically sound, but its outcomes are often not only anti-democratic but also, as the SABC board saga has shown, technically and substantively disastrous for an institution and a society. As everyone can see we now face the imminent implosion of the SABC.
The best way to enable maximum participation in the nomination process, which is the first stage, is a communication strategy for nominations for board members that reaches the broadest possible number of South Africans. Such a communication strategy should include advertising in all of the mass media outlets including community radio stations and newspapers.
It should not, as has happened recently include only once off advertisements in a few expensive newspapers targeted at the elite in urban suburban areas mostly in Gauteng or similar geographic areas nationally. Worse still even in those newspapers the Mail & Guardian, The Star, The Sunday Times and Rapport the advert is small and hidden in inside pages or sections that even the most discerning reader is likely to miss.
The Portfolio Committee on Communications should ensure that larger prominently placed advertisements are featured in more newspapers across the nation, on all the SABC’s channels as public service announcements and in the commercial television and radio stations before the deadline of 14 August 2009. On the SABC stations, which reach almost all South Africans in all the 11 national languages, the announcements should run before popular programmes.
Some will claim that such a communication strategy is expensive and in affordable but this is a lame and self-serving claim.
Choosing an SABC board is one of the most important things that we as a society need to do given its critical importance as a public broadcaster and the only genuine means for mass communication that reaches everyone. It is in my view nearly as important as the general elections and choosing judges of the Constitutional Court. The cost therefore can never be too much!
Second, it is not as expensive as making the wrong decision because we did not canvass for nominees as broadly as possible and choose the best 12 people who taken as whole, are not only representative of South Africa, but have the required experience, skills and competence sets to run an institutionally autonomous genuine public broadcaster, which enjoys, editorial and programming independence, from all vested and powerful interests and not just the ANC.
Third, maximum public participation and transparency are democracy in action and there can be no price to democracy. Fourth, using SABC channels will reduce the costs while adding public value.
Once the nominations have been made it will be very important to ensure that the process of selection is totally transparent. The portfolio committee must enable and indeed actively encourage the media including the SABC to cover the interviews live or record for later broadcast and publish the CVs of all the nominees and allow for comment and objections.
A transparent process will prevent manipulation and the insertion of names of people who were not on the committee’s list to the President as appears to have when the recently dissolved board was appointed at the end of 2007.
Finally civil society organisations and citizens should use their own means to publicise the call for nominations and to participate in nominating people for the board, who will not only represent their interests but ensure that the public broadcaster is well governed, properly managed and meets its mandate in all respects.
Professor Tawana Kupe is Dean of the Faculty of Humanities at Wits University, a Media Studies academic and a member of the Save Our SABC Coalition in his personal capacityAuthor(s):Tawana KupeDevelopment and Dreams
Development and Dreams: The urban legacy of the 2010 Football World Cup considers the effects of South Africa's hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup. It is held that the greatest potential benefit of the 2010 World Cup is a repudiation of Afropessimism and an assertion of a contemporary African identity both at home and on a global stage.
For more information or to purchase the book at a cost or R190, click here.
Changing Landscapes
We celebrated 15 years of democracy at the election polls in April, giving rise to an opportunity to reflect on where we have come from, and where we are going. Like the often turbulent years of human adolescence, our country has experienced dynamic change and development since the first democratic elections in 1994. A key component of our democracy, the non-government organisation (NGO) sector, which delivers thousands of vital services to the broader community, has also experienced transition in the past decade and a half.
The South African NGO landscape has changed significantly since the early 1990s. The end of apartheid required NGOs to redefine their role – from that of an activist movement in opposition to the state, to a roleplayer in development, working in collaboration with the newly-elected government. Because of NGOs’ grassroots reach into communities, the ANC saw them as valuable partners in facilitating socio-economic development and service delivery.
This period of radical transformation opened up new opportunities for NGOs to participate in the process of nation building and reconstruction, but it was also a period of uncertainty, as the sector experienced a crisis of purpose and identity. With a legitimate government in place, the incentive for international donors to fund South African non-profit organisations was not as compelling, and NGOs were forced to seek government aid and support from businesses and individual donors. As a result, many NGOs closed down, and a number of experienced individuals in the sector took up jobs in government and the private sector.
While collaborating with government can be positive in many ways, the nature of this new relationship and NGOs’ reliance on funding also had a negative effect, impacting on the independence of the sector and their ability to engage critically with government and businesses and hold them to account. Some researchers, such as Chandre Gould of the Institute of Security Studies, have suggested that while NGOs acted as vigilant watchdogs in the past, they have become acquiescent lapdogs.
The re-emergence of an activist civil society
But the sector has not remained static in the post-apartheid period; it has continued to evolve. Since the early 2000s, a new generation of NGOs, such as the Treatment Action Campaign, the Landless People’s Movement and the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee, have begun to challenge the lapdog stereotype.
Neil Eccles and Sunette Pienaar of the Unisa Centre for Corporate Citizenship emphasise that these non-profit organisations, also called social movements, have led to a re-emergence of the activist element within the NGO sector. In particular, the success of the Treatment Action Campaign and the victory of social protest in Khutsong (which prevented the township from being transferred from Gauteng to the North-West Province) laid the groundwork for the re-emergence of small grassroots community-based organisations that are focused on service delivery. It has shown that it is still possible for NGOs to challenge and influence government policy.
In the post-apartheid period, the NGO sector has tended to frame its demands in a rights-based approach, and has focused on service delivery. Organisations have sprung up in response to particular social issues, such as crime and security, HIV/AIDS and the abuse of women. The failure of government to effectively tackle service delivery and pressing social issues has led to the rise of this new activist element within the NGO sector.
These NGOs, or social movements, have given citizens who remained marginalised and unheard in the post-apartheid period a voice – and in so doing they have provided an opportunity for real citizen participation and democracy in action. But these movements are still in their infancy, and will need to grow to ensure that an active and engaged citizenship is developed in South Africa.
Stronger accountability
While these social movements are holding government to account, the NGO sector as a whole is still struggling to build the organisational capacity necessary to report effectively and be accountable to their donors.
During the years of apartheid, donors provided funding to South African NGOs, but demanded little accountability. Nowadays, organisations increasingly need to be able ‘demonstrate the long term sustainability and impact of their initiatives’ in order to secure donor funding, as Dr Gerry Salole, former regional representative of the Ford Foundation, highlighted in an interview with SANGONeT. As part of the accountability process, NGOs must build the capacity of their governance boards so that they are able to monitor the performance of their organisations.
While this requires NGOs to become more formalised and structured, Dr Salole points out that they should not lose touch with their passion and vision for change – qualities that also attract donors. In other words, being accountable does not mean automatically losing their potential for activism.
Encouraging non-profits to build the skills and infrastructure that will enable them to account to their donors is one of the aims of GreaterGood SA’s South African Social Investment Exchange (SASIX). All SASIX-listed projects must be able to demonstrate their impact, levels of organisational sustainability and good governance. In this way, GreaterGood SA is working with NGOs to promote positive change in the local development landscape.
Annie Devenish is a researcher at GreaterGood SA. This article was first published in the June edition of GreaterGood News and is republished here with permission.Author(s):Annie DevenishNew Head for Greenpeace International
Well-known South African activist Kumi Naidoo and former secretary-general of CIVICUS, will take over from Gerd Leipold as executive director of Greenpeace International on 15 November 2009.
Naidoo was one of the founders of Global Call to Action Against Poverty, in 2005, and is now servicing as co-chairperson.
Currently chairperson of the Global Campaign for Climate Action, of which Greenpeace is a member, in the coming months Naidoo will continue to work in this voluntary role, generating civil society pressure and cooperation to demand a strong deal at the United Nations Climate Summit to be held in Copenhagen this December.
To read the article titled, “Greenpeace appoints new international executive director,” click here.Source:InteractiveWebAshoka Founder and CEO Honoured
Ashoka Founder and CEO, Bill Drayton, has been awarded an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters at Yale University's 308th Commencement.
The honorary degrees awarded annually during the Yale University Commencement are the highest honor conferred by the university. Past recipients include Benjamin Franklin, Martin Luther King, Jr, John F Kennedy, and Sandra Day O'Connor.
The degree was conferred upon Bill Drayton in recognition of Ashoka's continued work to create and build the field of social entrepreneurship. In his citation, Yale University President Richard C Levin noted, "You have defined and perfected the role of social entrepreneur, helping people around the world help themselves. As the founder of Ashoka: Innovators for the Public, you have sought creative solutions to the most pressing social problem."
Earlier this year Oxford University similarly recognised Ashoka in making Drayton a life Balliol Honorary Fellow.
Read more about the award here.
For more information on Ashoka, click here.Source:AshokaOnce Again Our Children Are Being Evicted from Schools
Every child has a right to a decent education. Every child has a right to dignity in school. These principles are not negotiable.
Abahlali baseMjondolo has a yearly calendar. The last struggle of the year is usually against evictions because Christmas is always the worst time for evictions. Every year the first struggle is to get our children into schools. Before the movement was formed each family waged this struggle alone. Since 2006 we have run an annual back to school campaign. We run workshops informing people of their rights, we provide parents with fee exemption forms and help them to complete the forms, and we negotiate with schools and school governing bodies. We have to confront all kinds of discrimination against poor people and we have to confront racism. The first challenge is to get our children into schools. The second challenge is to ensure that our children are treated with dignity once they are in the schools.
There are laws and policies that are there to secure the right of all children to access schools and to be treated with dignity in schools. But, just as with the right to occupy land unlawfully without arbitrary evictions, and the right to march and speak freely against the government, these laws and policies are usually just ignored when it comes to the poor. Some principals - like some police officers, the land invasions unit, politicians and even some lawyers at the legal aid board seem to believe that the poor are beneath the law.
The first problem at our schools is that poor people can't afford to pay the fees or to buy uniforms and stationery. Some schools will not accept children without fees, money for text books, a full set of stationery and full school uniforms. Some schools demand that fees are paid for the whole year instead of by term.
At the primary school in Motala Heights in Pinetown lots of children from the shacks have been turned away and the secretary won't let their parents speak to the principal. When they asked to meet the principal security drove them away. The security often chase poor parents and African parents away. In Motala Heights the schools only go to grade ten and this year when the older kids went on the bus to the high school in Wyebank the people in Wyebank stoned the bus and pulled the driver out. The driver took the children to Wyebank and then brought them back. He was threatened not to return to the area with the children from Motala Heights.
In KwaMashu the high school in Castle Hill refuses to take the children from the shacks. When the poor parents ask for fee exemption forms they are told to 'top up' the exemption with R300 a month. Here the issue is not race – it is just a question of class because every one is African.
Shack dwellers in Joe Slovo (Durban) are facing the problem that the wealthy parents at Chatsworth High School have dominated all the meetings and so the issues of fees and safety are influenced by the rich parents. The same thing happens in Motala Heights. There the poor parents did attend the meetings of the School Governing Body but the principle looked so badly at the poor parents and always put them down. This is why the poor parents stopped attending the meetings.
This issue of money has created conflict between communities and teachers. We recognise that the government is highly irresponsible and wastes hundreds of millions of rand on luxuries like stadiums but fails to give schools enough money to pay teacher's salaries, buy chalk and books or pay water and electricity bills. We recognise that this is not the fault of teachers. Where ever possible we will work to unite communities and teachers and principals to work together to pressurise government to give enough money to schools.
We know that teachers are under pressures in other kinds of ways. Sometimes teachers have to be security guards as well as teachers. We are happy to support the teachers with these kinds of problems so that they can focus on being teachers.
However some teachers, secretaries and principals are exploiting the good will of communities to force the poor to pay what the government should be paying. It is easier to intimidate and bully a poor person than to stand up to the government. But this is not right.
In some schools poor parents are forced to come in and clean the schools because they cannot afford school fees. In some schools the children are humiliated and punished because their parents cannot afford school fees. In many schools the end of year results are not released to families that have outstanding fees. This forces many families to use all their December money, often also borrowing, to pay their debts to the schools. They then have to spend Christmas with nothing.
Children are often excluded from schools because their first language is not English.
Some children don't have parents and therefore don't have documents. It often happens that even if we get a letter from social workers to say that they are undocumented orphans they are still not accepted.
Some children don't have documents because of the xenophobia of the Department of Home Affairs. They can also be refused access to schools.
However the law clearly states that no child can be denied access to a school on the basis of race, class, or language. The law clearly states that it is the principal's responsibility to facilitate access for every child. It is illegal for a principal to ask for a registration fee to secure a place for a child, to withhold results for fees, to humiliate or punish children whose parents have not paid fees or to make parents who cannot pay fees to clean the school.
The law clearly states that orphans cannot be charged fees, that foster parents are exempt from paying fees, that everyone getting a grant or pension is exempt from paying, that schools must make provision for children whose parents can not afford stationery, and that schools cannot charge loan fees for text books.
The law clearly states that parents who earn less than ten times the school fees for a year do not have to pay anything and that parents who earn between ten and thirty times the school feels for a year can get a partial fee exemption.
In all the areas we are encouraging the poor parents and, where there is a problem of racism, the African parents to attend the school meetings. We recognise that parents are often afraid to attend meetings after being humiliated by secretaries and chased away by securities in the past. Therefore we work to build the courage of parents against hatred of the poor and hatred of Africans. We do this by showing parents that they are not alone and that together they can be strong.
When the principals show this hatred we always start by trying to educate them about the laws and policies that protect the rights of the poor. We always start by trying to negotiate. But when principals refuse to obey the law and refuse to respect poor people and African people we will march on them and picket their schools. We will report their behaviour to the Department of Education and when necessary we will take them to court.
In order to prepare ourselves so that we can lead our leaders we need to educate ourselves. We are fully aware that education does not stop at the school gate. We all need to keep learning all the time. This is why we always try to get our members into adult education programmes. This is why we always strongly support the Socialist Student's Movement in their struggle for free university education.
But we also need to learn independently of forms of education that are really teaching us to know our place in the world. As a movement that is moving out of the places in which the poor are supposed to be kept, and moving out of the order that the poor are supposed to obey, we have to think for ourselves. This is why we started our own library. This is why we started the University of Abahlali baseMjondolo where we have formal classes and graduations and where we also create places to think, together, about our lives and our struggle. Everyday we learn together through discussions about our struggles. Right now, as another school year starts, we are relearning the lesson that as the poor we are still foreigners in our own country. Just as we are driven out of the cities and into government shacks in rural human dumping grounds our children are driven out of the schools.
As Abahlali baseMjondolo we stand firm for the right of every child living in South Africa to access decent education without regard to the financial status, race, language or country of origin of their family. This principle is not negotiable.
All parents who are having problems with accessing their schools, or with ensuring the dignity of their children in schools, or who need to get fee exemption forms or who need help in completing the fee exemption forms can contact:
Abahlali baseMjondolo: 031 269 1822
The Education Rights Project: 011 717 3355
The Paulo Freire Institute: 033 260 6186
For more information or comment on the ongoing and illegal evictions of poor children from government schools please contact:
Ivor Baatijies, Paulo Freire Institute: 033 260 6186
Shamita Naidoo, Chairperson of the Motala Heights Abahlali baseMjondolo branch: 078 224 5441
Zodwa Nsibande Abahlali baseMjondolo General Secretary: 082 830 2707
Mazwi Nzimande, President of the Abahlali baseMjondolo Youth League (and grade 12 learner): 074 222 8601
Britt Sable, Paulo Freire Institute: 033 260 6186
S'bu Zikode, Abahlali baseMjondolo President: 083 547 0474Date published:06/02/2009Organisation:Abahlali baseMjondoloIssued by:

